- Lead
- 4,251
- Total
- 8,158
- vs nation
- R+50.6
- Turnout
- 65.4%
Robertson County, TX
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 65.4% of 12,520 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 3,272
- Total
- 8,110
- vs nation
- R+44.8
- Turnout
- 64.7%
- Lead
- 2,465
- Total
- 7,035
- vs nation
- R+37.1
- Turnout
- 60.5%
- Lead
- 1,621
- Total
- 7,287
- vs nation
- R+26.1
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 1,305
- Total
- 6,710
- vs nation
- R+26.7
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 813
- Total
- 6,795
- vs nation
- R+9.5
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 276
- Total
- 6,369
- vs nation
- D+3.8
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 968
- Total
- 5,175
- vs nation
- D+10.2
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- R+52.1MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 17,1672024 5-year
- Median household income
- $72,2362024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 54.8%2024 5-year
- Black
- 17.2%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 22.2%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+93.6 in 1936MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+52.1 in 2024MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Falls County, TX · twin score 75.6
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 65.4%8,194 participants ÷ 12,520 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +16.4 ptsVolatile
- Drop-off versus state
- -2.7 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 49.0%–53.2%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 7,113 | 11,766 | 60.5% | A/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 6,343 | 12,103 | 52.4% | A/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 8,137 | 12,568 | 64.7% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 6,037 | 12,491 | 48.3% | A/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 8,194 | 12,520 | 65.4% | A/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 293/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 297/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 306/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 311/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
13 precincts · 8,172 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -Precinct 6Precinct 6 | 154 | 1,026 | 13 | 1,193 | 12.9% | 86.0% | R+73.1 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -Precinct 5Precinct 5 | 185 | 867 | 5 | 1,057 | 17.5% | 82.0% | R+64.5 |
| Precinct -Precinct 11Precinct 11 | 195 | 693 | 7 | 895 | 21.8% | 77.4% | R+55.6 |
| Precinct -Precinct 1Precinct 1 | 259 | 565 | 8 | 832 | 31.1% | 67.9% | R+36.8 |
| Precinct -Precinct 2Precinct 2 | 243 | 569 | 9 | 821 | 29.6% | 69.3% | R+39.7 |
| Precinct -Precinct 22Precinct 22 | 467 | 196 | 1 | 664 | 70.3% | 29.5% | D+40.8 |
| Precinct -Precinct 4Precinct 4 | 79 | 508 | 7 | 594 | 13.3% | 85.5% | R+72.2 |
| Precinct -Precinct 19Precinct 19 | 67 | 478 | 3 | 548 | 12.2% | 87.2% | R+75.0 |
| Precinct -Precinct 3Precinct 3 | 68 | 429 | 7 | 504 | 13.5% | 85.1% | R+71.6 |
| Precinct -Precinct 23Precinct 23 | 143 | 236 | 1 | 380 | 37.6% | 62.1% | R+24.5 |
| Precinct -Precinct 13Precinct 13 | 22 | 223 | 2 | 247 | 8.9% | 90.3% | R+81.4 |
| Precinct -Precinct 8Precinct 8 | 17 | 212 | 1 | 230 | 7.4% | 92.2% | R+84.8 |
| Precinct -Precinct 16Precinct 16 | 27 | 175 | 5 | 207 | 13.0% | 84.5% | R+71.5 |
Presidential margin, 1904–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1904 | +72.1% |
| 1908 | +50.9% |
| 1912 | +67.9% |
| 1916 | +69.4% |
| 1920 | +56.0% |
| 1924 | +32.0% |
| 1928 | +32.9% |
| 1932 | +88.4% |
| 1936 | +93.6% |
| 1940 | +89.6% |
| 1944 | +84.0% |
| 1948 | +65.6% |
| 1952 | +31.1% |
| 1956 | +26.4% |
| 1960 | +48.0% |
| 1964 | +57.8% |
| 1968 | +39.4% |
| 1972 | −0.0% |
| 1976 | +50.0% |
| 1980 | +36.0% |
| 1984 | +11.2% |
| 1988 | +24.8% |
| 1992 | +21.8% |
| 1996 | +18.7% |
| 2000 | +4.3% |
| 2004 | −12.0% |
| 2008 | −19.4% |
| 2012 | −22.2% |
| 2016 | −35.0% |
| 2020 | −40.3% |
| 2024 | −52.1% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
Total registered voters, over time
| Year | Total registered |
|---|---|
| 2016 | 10,463 |
| 2018 | 11,505 |
| 2020 | 11,844 |
| 2022 | 12,001 |
| 2024 | 12,600 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
+258 net domestic migration · 2025
Net +1,415 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $69,194 in average income, against $67,613 for residents who stayed — 2% higher. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+19.3 on average — 33 points more Democratic-leaning than Robertson County, TX itself (R+52.1).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Brazos County, TX192R+24.8
- Harris County, TX43D+5.5
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Brazos County, TX179
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | +78 |
| 2012 | −229 |
| 2013 | −87 |
| 2014 | +17 |
| 2015 | +188 |
| 2016 | +83 |
| 2017 | +278 |
| 2018 | +26 |
| 2019 | −198 |
| 2021 | +231 |
| 2022 | +254 |
| 2023 | +181 |
| 2024 | +335 |
| 2025 | +258 |
Robertson County's R+52.1 margin in 2024 reflects a broader rural Texas pattern, but its modest 16,000 residents and agricultural economy make it a study in small-county political consolidation rather than demographic complexity.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 93.6 points in 1936 and a Republican high of 52.1 points in 2024. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 11.8 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 52.1 points.
A population of 17,167, a 55% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $72,236 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Falls County and Camp County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Robertson County, Texas. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/48395/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.