- Lead
- 4,399
- Total
- 6,060
- vs nation
- R+71.1
- Turnout
- 52.6%
Andrews County, TX
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 52.6% of 11,572 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 4,093
- Total
- 5,863
- vs nation
- R+74.3
- Turnout
- 52.8%
- Lead
- 3,091
- Total
- 4,943
- vs nation
- R+64.6
- Turnout
- 48.0%
- Lead
- 2,844
- Total
- 4,482
- vs nation
- R+67.3
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 3,026
- Total
- 4,629
- vs nation
- R+72.6
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 3,160
- Total
- 4,536
- vs nation
- R+67.2
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 2,215
- Total
- 4,024
- vs nation
- R+55.6
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 1,179
- Total
- 4,001
- vs nation
- R+38.0
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- R+72.6MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 18,6102024 5-year
- Median household income
- $72,2422024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 38.8%2024 5-year
- Black
- 1.6%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 57.5%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+95.9 in 1916MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+72.6 in 2024MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Howard County, TX · twin score 97.5
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 52.6%6,082 participants ÷ 11,572 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +17.2 ptsVolatile
- Drop-off versus state
- -1.8 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 35.3%–39.3%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 5,002 | 10,411 | 48.0% | A/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 4,143 | 10,684 | 38.8% | A/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 5,871 | 11,121 | 52.8% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 3,842 | 10,805 | 35.6% | A/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 6,082 | 11,572 | 52.6% | A/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 293/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 297/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 306/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 311/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
4 precincts · 6,059 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -Precinct 2Precinct 2 | 219 | 1,690 | 10 | 1,919 | 11.4% | 88.1% | R+76.7 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -Precinct 3Precinct 3 | 218 | 1,276 | 15 | 1,509 | 14.4% | 84.6% | R+70.1 |
| Precinct -Precinct 1Precinct 1 | 188 | 1,237 | 12 | 1,437 | 13.1% | 86.1% | R+73.0 |
| Precinct -Precinct 4Precinct 4 | 181 | 1,002 | 11 | 1,194 | 15.2% | 83.9% | R+68.8 |
Presidential margin, 1912–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1912 | +91.6% |
| 1916 | +95.9% |
| 1920 | +78.3% |
| 1924 | +74.6% |
| 1928 | −45.1% |
| 1932 | +93.3% |
| 1936 | +87.9% |
| 1940 | +88.8% |
| 1944 | +69.6% |
| 1948 | +74.7% |
| 1952 | +6.7% |
| 1956 | −7.7% |
| 1960 | +7.9% |
| 1964 | +19.3% |
| 1968 | −13.2% |
| 1972 | −58.5% |
| 1976 | −8.9% |
| 1980 | −41.0% |
| 1984 | −65.2% |
| 1988 | −46.1% |
| 1992 | −28.0% |
| 1996 | −29.5% |
| 2000 | −55.0% |
| 2004 | −69.7% |
| 2008 | −65.4% |
| 2012 | −63.5% |
| 2016 | −62.5% |
| 2020 | −69.8% |
| 2024 | −72.6% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
Total registered voters, over time
| Year | Total registered |
|---|---|
| 2016 | 9,145 |
| 2018 | 9,574 |
| 2020 | 10,272 |
| 2022 | 10,369 |
| 2024 | 10,739 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
−17 net domestic migration · 2025
Net +1,630 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $60,569 in average income, against $96,821 for residents who stayed — 37% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+53.6 on average — 19 points more Democratic-leaning than Andrews County, TX itself (R+72.6).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Ector County, TX49R+52.9
- Midland County, TX46R+60.5
- Lubbock County, TX20R+39.5
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Midland County, TX88
- Ector County, TX71
- Lubbock County, TX24
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | +398 |
| 2012 | +536 |
| 2013 | +429 |
| 2014 | +412 |
| 2015 | +376 |
| 2016 | −514 |
| 2017 | −371 |
| 2018 | +332 |
| 2019 | +583 |
| 2021 | −321 |
| 2022 | −298 |
| 2023 | +124 |
| 2024 | −39 |
| 2025 | −17 |
Andrews County, anchored by the Permian Basin oil town of the same name, delivered a 72.6-point Republican margin in 2024—among the widest in a state already known for its heavily Republican rural precincts.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 95.9 points in 1916 and a Republican high of 72.6 points in 2024. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 2.8 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 72.6 points.
A population of 18,610, a 39% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $72,242 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Howard County and Moore County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Andrews County, Texas. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/48003/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.