- Lead
- 14,259
- Total
- 32,121
- vs nation
- R+42.9
- Turnout
- 42.6%
Potter County, TX
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 42.6% of 75,858 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 12,899
- Total
- 33,337
- vs nation
- R+43.1
- Turnout
- 44.8%
- Lead
- 11,973
- Total
- 28,831
- vs nation
- R+43.6
- Turnout
- 37.7%
- Lead
- 11,792
- Total
- 26,450
- vs nation
- R+48.4
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 11,822
- Total
- 30,013
- vs nation
- R+46.7
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 13,912
- Total
- 29,056
- vs nation
- R+45.4
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 10,387
- Total
- 25,376
- vs nation
- R+41.5
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 5,722
- Total
- 26,245
- vs nation
- R+30.3
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- R+44.4MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 115,9752024 5-year
- Median household income
- $53,2492024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 42.2%2024 5-year
- Black
- 10.2%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 39.3%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+72.0 in 1916MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+49.8 in 1972MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Wichita County, TX · twin score 90.0
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 42.6%32,319 participants ÷ 75,858 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +16.0 ptsPersistently low turnout
- Drop-off versus state
- -3.1 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 26.6%–32.1%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 28,849 | 76,503 | 37.7% | A/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 24,628 | 75,447 | 32.6% | A/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 33,337 | 74,396 | 44.8% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 21,894 | 75,884 | 28.9% | A/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 32,319 | 75,858 | 42.6% | A/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 293/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 297/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 306/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 311/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
24 precincts · 32,121 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -Precinct 324Precinct 324 | 724 | 2,688 | 34 | 3,446 | 21.0% | 78.0% | R+57.0 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -Precinct 323Precinct 323 | 402 | 2,589 | 23 | 3,014 | 13.3% | 85.9% | R+72.6 |
| Precinct -Precinct 321Precinct 321 | 239 | 2,201 | 9 | 2,449 | 9.8% | 89.9% | R+80.1 |
| Precinct -Precinct 123Precinct 123 | 780 | 1,432 | 37 | 2,249 | 34.7% | 63.7% | R+29.0 |
| Precinct -Precinct 125Precinct 125 | 736 | 1,429 | 28 | 2,193 | 33.6% | 65.2% | R+31.6 |
| Precinct -Precinct 326Precinct 326 | 347 | 1,634 | 19 | 2,000 | 17.3% | 81.7% | R+64.3 |
| Precinct -Precinct 124Precinct 124 | 419 | 1,187 | 24 | 1,630 | 25.7% | 72.8% | R+47.1 |
| Precinct -Precinct 325Precinct 325 | 423 | 1,173 | 23 | 1,619 | 26.1% | 72.5% | R+46.3 |
| Precinct -Precinct 121Precinct 121 | 325 | 1,219 | 17 | 1,561 | 20.8% | 78.1% | R+57.3 |
| Precinct -Precinct 122Precinct 122 | 392 | 1,144 | 22 | 1,558 | 25.2% | 73.4% | R+48.3 |
| Precinct -Precinct 126Precinct 126 | 490 | 914 | 20 | 1,424 | 34.4% | 64.2% | R+29.8 |
| Precinct -Precinct 422Precinct 422 | 704 | 689 | 21 | 1,414 | 49.8% | 48.7% | D+1.1 |
| Precinct -Precinct 224Precinct 224 | 464 | 895 | 14 | 1,373 | 33.8% | 65.2% | R+31.4 |
| Precinct -Precinct 327Precinct 327 | 166 | 675 | 15 | 856 | 19.4% | 78.9% | R+59.5 |
| Precinct -Precinct 223Precinct 223 | 312 | 468 | 10 | 790 | 39.5% | 59.2% | R+19.7 |
| Precinct -Precinct 222Precinct 222 | 215 | 512 | 7 | 734 | 29.3% | 69.8% | R+40.5 |
| Precinct -Precinct 425Precinct 425 | 307 | 380 | 5 | 692 | 44.4% | 54.9% | R+10.5 |
| Precinct -Precinct 225Precinct 225 | 266 | 411 | 9 | 686 | 38.8% | 59.9% | R+21.1 |
| Precinct -Precinct 221Precinct 221 | 247 | 381 | 7 | 635 | 38.9% | 60.0% | R+21.1 |
| Precinct -Precinct 424Precinct 424 | 325 | 259 | 5 | 589 | 55.2% | 44.0% | D+11.2 |
| Precinct -Precinct 421Precinct 421 | 212 | 277 | 7 | 496 | 42.7% | 55.8% | R+13.1 |
| Precinct -Precinct 426Precinct 426 | 103 | 173 | 5 | 281 | 36.7% | 61.6% | R+24.9 |
| Precinct -Precinct 427Precinct 427 | 130 | 123 | 3 | 256 | 50.8% | 48.0% | D+2.7 |
| Precinct -Precinct 322Precinct 322 | 20 | 154 | 2 | 176 | 11.4% | 87.5% | R+76.1 |
Presidential margin, 1908–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1908 | +61.4% |
| 1912 | +71.6% |
| 1916 | +72.0% |
| 1920 | +57.4% |
| 1924 | +41.0% |
| 1928 | −15.8% |
| 1932 | +67.2% |
| 1936 | +71.7% |
| 1940 | +51.7% |
| 1944 | +37.3% |
| 1948 | +38.8% |
| 1952 | −23.4% |
| 1956 | −15.6% |
| 1960 | −22.4% |
| 1964 | +5.5% |
| 1968 | −18.8% |
| 1972 | −49.8% |
| 1976 | −7.3% |
| 1980 | −24.9% |
| 1984 | −41.6% |
| 1988 | −26.2% |
| 1992 | −14.3% |
| 1996 | −21.8% |
| 2000 | −40.9% |
| 2004 | −47.9% |
| 2008 | −39.4% |
| 2012 | −44.6% |
| 2016 | −41.5% |
| 2020 | −38.7% |
| 2024 | −44.4% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
Total registered voters, over time
| Year | Total registered |
|---|---|
| 2016 | 54,956 |
| 2018 | 55,677 |
| 2020 | 57,736 |
| 2022 | 58,048 |
| 2024 | 59,681 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
−811 net domestic migration · 2025
Net −23,179 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $52,759 in average income, against $75,747 for residents who stayed — 30% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+53.8 on average — 9.4 points more Republican-leaning than Potter County, TX itself (R+44.4).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Randall County, TX1,933R+60.4
- Lubbock County, TX76R+39.5
- Moore County, TX70R+67.1
- Hutchinson County, TX60R+77.1
- Tarrant County, TX54R+5.1
- Dallas County, TX52D+22.2
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Randall County, TX2,133
- Lubbock County, TX100
- Tarrant County, TX91
- Dallas County, TX69
- Hutchinson County, TX54
- Moore County, TX54
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | −430 |
| 2012 | −1,049 |
| 2013 | −2,140 |
| 2014 | −1,659 |
| 2015 | −2,277 |
| 2016 | −1,967 |
| 2017 | −1,554 |
| 2018 | −2,467 |
| 2019 | −2,221 |
| 2021 | −1,766 |
| 2022 | −2,131 |
| 2023 | −807 |
| 2024 | −1,900 |
| 2025 | −811 |
Potter County, home to Amarillo, has delivered lopsided Republican margins for decades, with the 2024 presidential race landing at R+44.4 — a pattern driven by a predominantly white, working-class electorate in a trade and energy hub.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 72.0 points in 1916 and a Republican high of 49.8 points in 1972. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 5.7 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 44.4 points.
A population of 115,975, a 42% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $53,249 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Wichita County and Hale County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Potter County, Texas. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/48375/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.