- Lead
- 5,380
- Total
- 9,285
- vs nation
- R+56.5
- Turnout
- 42.5%
Hale County, TX
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 42.5% of 21,905 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 4,898
- Total
- 9,586
- vs nation
- R+55.5
- Turnout
- 43.5%
- Lead
- 4,265
- Total
- 8,858
- vs nation
- R+50.2
- Turnout
- 39.3%
- Lead
- 4,247
- Total
- 8,854
- vs nation
- R+51.8
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 4,463
- Total
- 9,943
- vs nation
- R+52.2
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 5,947
- Total
- 10,154
- vs nation
- R+56.1
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 4,710
- Total
- 9,110
- vs nation
- R+52.2
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 2,701
- Total
- 9,746
- vs nation
- R+36.2
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- R+57.9MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 32,1312024 5-year
- Median household income
- $51,8972024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 31.4%2024 5-year
- Black
- 4.5%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 61.3%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+79.8 in 1916MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+58.6 in 2004MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Lamb County, TX · twin score 97.6
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 42.5%9,315 participants ÷ 21,905 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +14.0 ptsPersistently low turnout
- Drop-off versus state
- -5.1 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 28.5%–32.5%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 9,051 | 23,053 | 39.3% | A/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 7,470 | 22,454 | 33.3% | A/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 9,638 | 22,179 | 43.5% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 6,347 | 21,556 | 29.4% | A/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 9,315 | 21,905 | 42.5% | A/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 293/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 297/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 306/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 311/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
30 precincts · 9,285 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -Precinct 407Precinct 407 | 186 | 699 | 13 | 898 | 20.7% | 77.8% | R+57.1 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -Precinct 318Precinct 318 | 131 | 647 | 4 | 782 | 16.8% | 82.7% | R+66.0 |
| Precinct -Precinct 305Precinct 305 | 120 | 611 | 6 | 737 | 16.3% | 82.9% | R+66.6 |
| Precinct -Precinct 316Precinct 316 | 115 | 591 | 6 | 712 | 16.2% | 83.0% | R+66.9 |
| Precinct -Precinct 304Precinct 304 | 126 | 416 | 6 | 548 | 23.0% | 75.9% | R+52.9 |
| Precinct -Precinct 408Precinct 408 | 85 | 403 | 4 | 492 | 17.3% | 81.9% | R+64.6 |
| Precinct -Precinct 409Precinct 409 | 109 | 347 | 5 | 461 | 23.6% | 75.3% | R+51.6 |
| Precinct -Precinct 112Precinct 112 | 29 | 398 | 4 | 431 | 6.7% | 92.3% | R+85.6 |
| Precinct -Precinct 111Precinct 111 | 89 | 299 | 3 | 391 | 22.8% | 76.5% | R+53.7 |
| Precinct -Precinct 214Precinct 214 | 80 | 290 | 6 | 376 | 21.3% | 77.1% | R+55.9 |
| Precinct -Precinct 204Precinct 204 | 81 | 220 | 8 | 309 | 26.2% | 71.2% | R+45.0 |
| Precinct -Precinct 406Precinct 406 | 84 | 192 | 3 | 279 | 30.1% | 68.8% | R+38.7 |
| Precinct -Precinct 104Precinct 104 | 94 | 179 | 0 | 273 | 34.4% | 65.6% | R+31.1 |
| Precinct -Precinct 110Precinct 110 | 21 | 242 | 1 | 264 | 8.0% | 91.7% | R+83.7 |
| Precinct -Precinct 420Precinct 420 | 23 | 236 | 1 | 260 | 8.8% | 90.8% | R+81.9 |
| Precinct -Precinct 103Precinct 103 | 82 | 154 | 4 | 240 | 34.2% | 64.2% | R+30.0 |
| Precinct -Precinct 215Precinct 215 | 56 | 170 | 5 | 231 | 24.2% | 73.6% | R+49.4 |
| Precinct -Precinct 101Precinct 101 | 30 | 183 | 2 | 215 | 14.0% | 85.1% | R+71.2 |
| Precinct -Precinct 203Precinct 203 | 87 | 122 | 3 | 212 | 41.0% | 57.5% | R+16.5 |
| Precinct -Precinct 307Precinct 307 | 43 | 137 | 1 | 181 | 23.8% | 75.7% | R+51.9 |
| Precinct -Precinct 213Precinct 213 | 26 | 137 | 1 | 164 | 15.9% | 83.5% | R+67.7 |
| Precinct -Precinct 419Precinct 419 | 15 | 149 | 0 | 164 | 9.1% | 90.9% | R+81.7 |
| Precinct -Precinct 105Precinct 105 | 34 | 101 | 2 | 137 | 24.8% | 73.7% | R+48.9 |
| Precinct -Precinct 205Precinct 205 | 46 | 91 | 0 | 137 | 33.6% | 66.4% | R+32.8 |
| Precinct -Precinct 202Precinct 202 | 48 | 66 | 7 | 121 | 39.7% | 54.5% | R+14.9 |
| Precinct -Precinct 317Precinct 317 | 14 | 72 | 1 | 87 | 16.1% | 82.8% | R+66.7 |
| Precinct -Precinct 102Precinct 102 | 12 | 52 | 1 | 65 | 18.5% | 80.0% | R+61.5 |
| Precinct -Precinct 306Precinct 306 | 18 | 28 | 1 | 47 | 38.3% | 59.6% | R+21.3 |
| Precinct -Precinct 108Precinct 108 | 9 | 30 | 0 | 39 | 23.1% | 76.9% | R+53.8 |
| Precinct -Precinct 206Precinct 206 | 10 | 21 | 1 | 32 | 31.3% | 65.6% | R+34.4 |
Presidential margin, 1904–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1904 | +76.5% |
| 1908 | +79.7% |
| 1912 | +75.9% |
| 1916 | +79.8% |
| 1920 | +55.2% |
| 1924 | +46.0% |
| 1928 | −32.2% |
| 1932 | +77.4% |
| 1936 | +74.2% |
| 1940 | +57.8% |
| 1944 | +53.8% |
| 1948 | +56.2% |
| 1952 | −18.3% |
| 1956 | +0.6% |
| 1960 | −12.8% |
| 1964 | +23.4% |
| 1968 | −13.6% |
| 1972 | −53.0% |
| 1976 | +1.7% |
| 1980 | −33.2% |
| 1984 | −41.0% |
| 1988 | −28.4% |
| 1992 | −32.6% |
| 1996 | −27.7% |
| 2000 | −51.7% |
| 2004 | −58.6% |
| 2008 | −44.9% |
| 2012 | −48.0% |
| 2016 | −48.1% |
| 2020 | −51.1% |
| 2024 | −57.9% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
Total registered voters, over time
| Year | Total registered |
|---|---|
| 2016 | 18,752 |
| 2018 | 19,347 |
| 2020 | 18,997 |
| 2022 | 18,458 |
| 2024 | 18,272 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
−337 net domestic migration · 2025
Net −5,791 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $43,316 in average income, against $59,192 for residents who stayed — 27% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+46.2 on average — 12 points more Democratic-leaning than Hale County, TX itself (R+57.9).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Lubbock County, TX142R+39.5
- Floyd County, TX31R+64.9
- Swisher County, TX22R+63.4
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Lubbock County, TX240
- Randall County, TX44
- Floyd County, TX24
- Lamb County, TX24
- Swisher County, TX21
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | −154 |
| 2012 | −439 |
| 2013 | −847 |
| 2014 | −1,490 |
| 2015 | −583 |
| 2016 | −81 |
| 2017 | −283 |
| 2018 | −446 |
| 2019 | −354 |
| 2021 | −232 |
| 2022 | −297 |
| 2023 | −186 |
| 2024 | −62 |
| 2025 | −337 |
Anchored by Plainview on the South Plains, Hale County recorded an R+57.9 presidential margin in 2024, reflecting a heavily rural, agricultural electorate that has shifted decisively rightward over the past two decades.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 79.8 points in 1916 and a Republican high of 58.6 points in 2004. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 6.8 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 57.9 points.
A population of 32,131, a 31% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $51,897 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Lamb County and Dawson County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Hale County, Texas. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/48189/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.