- Lead
- 40,379
- Total
- 66,901
- vs nation
- R+58.9
- Turnout
- 62.1%
Randall County, TX
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 62.1% of 108,518 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 37,994
- Total
- 64,674
- vs nation
- R+63.2
- Turnout
- 65.3%
- Lead
- 35,095
- Total
- 54,305
- vs nation
- R+66.7
- Turnout
- 58.9%
- Lead
- 33,873
- Total
- 49,696
- vs nation
- R+72.0
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 32,480
- Total
- 51,832
- vs nation
- R+69.9
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 32,671
- Total
- 48,587
- vs nation
- R+64.8
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 26,712
- Total
- 41,790
- vs nation
- R+64.4
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 19,089
- Total
- 39,627
- vs nation
- R+56.7
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- R+60.4MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 146,0702024 5-year
- Median household income
- $83,8642024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 66.5%2024 5-year
- Black
- 3.1%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 24.6%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+83.9 in 1936MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+68.2 in 2012MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Erath County, TX · twin score 92.9
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 62.1%67,366 participants ÷ 108,518 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +19.1 ptsVolatile
- Drop-off versus state
- +0.1 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 42.9%–48.2%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 55,359 | 93,936 | 58.9% | A/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 48,624 | 96,818 | 50.2% | A/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 65,193 | 99,798 | 65.3% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 48,103 | 104,138 | 46.2% | A/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 67,366 | 108,518 | 62.1% | A/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 293/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 297/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 306/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 311/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
31 precincts · 66,901 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -Precinct 324Precinct 324 | 652 | 2,966 | 28 | 3,646 | 17.9% | 81.3% | R+63.5 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -Precinct 228Precinct 228 | 752 | 2,854 | 28 | 3,634 | 20.7% | 78.5% | R+57.8 |
| Precinct -Precinct 230Precinct 230 | 685 | 2,752 | 45 | 3,482 | 19.7% | 79.0% | R+59.4 |
| Precinct -Precinct 204Precinct 204 | 604 | 2,654 | 30 | 3,288 | 18.4% | 80.7% | R+62.3 |
| Precinct -Precinct 426Precinct 426 | 541 | 2,672 | 32 | 3,245 | 16.7% | 82.3% | R+65.7 |
| Precinct -Precinct 222Precinct 222 | 686 | 2,486 | 45 | 3,217 | 21.3% | 77.3% | R+56.0 |
| Precinct -Precinct 429Precinct 429 | 790 | 2,058 | 40 | 2,888 | 27.4% | 71.3% | R+43.9 |
| Precinct -Precinct 415Precinct 415 | 652 | 2,179 | 24 | 2,855 | 22.8% | 76.3% | R+53.5 |
| Precinct -Precinct 227Precinct 227 | 478 | 2,196 | 34 | 2,708 | 17.7% | 81.1% | R+63.4 |
| Precinct -Precinct 111Precinct 111 | 733 | 1,887 | 26 | 2,646 | 27.7% | 71.3% | R+43.6 |
| Precinct -Precinct 309Precinct 309 | 311 | 2,245 | 18 | 2,574 | 12.1% | 87.2% | R+75.1 |
| Precinct -Precinct 420Precinct 420 | 566 | 1,978 | 15 | 2,559 | 22.1% | 77.3% | R+55.2 |
| Precinct -Precinct 114Precinct 114 | 589 | 1,753 | 31 | 2,373 | 24.8% | 73.9% | R+49.1 |
| Precinct -Precinct 325Precinct 325 | 278 | 2,027 | 10 | 2,315 | 12.0% | 87.6% | R+75.6 |
| Precinct -Precinct 110Precinct 110 | 253 | 1,974 | 22 | 2,249 | 11.2% | 87.8% | R+76.5 |
| Precinct -Precinct 332Precinct 332 | 230 | 1,948 | 6 | 2,184 | 10.5% | 89.2% | R+78.7 |
| Precinct -Precinct 418Precinct 418 | 555 | 1,547 | 39 | 2,141 | 25.9% | 72.3% | R+46.3 |
| Precinct -Precinct 421Precinct 421 | 540 | 1,565 | 29 | 2,134 | 25.3% | 73.3% | R+48.0 |
| Precinct -Precinct 306Precinct 306 | 338 | 1,672 | 23 | 2,033 | 16.6% | 82.2% | R+65.6 |
| Precinct -Precinct 112Precinct 112 | 569 | 1,411 | 25 | 2,005 | 28.4% | 70.4% | R+42.0 |
| Precinct -Precinct 302Precinct 302 | 376 | 1,589 | 15 | 1,980 | 19.0% | 80.3% | R+61.3 |
| Precinct -Precinct 305Precinct 305 | 455 | 1,491 | 26 | 1,972 | 23.1% | 75.6% | R+52.5 |
| Precinct -Precinct 131Precinct 131 | 226 | 1,618 | 10 | 1,854 | 12.2% | 87.3% | R+75.1 |
| Precinct -Precinct 216Precinct 216 | 424 | 1,238 | 16 | 1,678 | 25.3% | 73.8% | R+48.5 |
| Precinct -Precinct 301Precinct 301 | 144 | 1,248 | 7 | 1,399 | 10.3% | 89.2% | R+78.9 |
| Precinct -Precinct 208Precinct 208 | 111 | 1,151 | 3 | 1,265 | 8.8% | 91.0% | R+82.2 |
| Precinct -Precinct 307Precinct 307 | 103 | 763 | 5 | 871 | 11.8% | 87.6% | R+75.8 |
| Precinct -Precinct 123Precinct 123 | 75 | 733 | 3 | 811 | 9.2% | 90.4% | R+81.1 |
| Precinct -Precinct 103Precinct 103 | 168 | 362 | 13 | 543 | 30.9% | 66.7% | R+35.7 |
| Precinct -Precinct 315Precinct 315 | 37 | 221 | 4 | 262 | 14.1% | 84.4% | R+70.2 |
| Precinct -Precinct 317Precinct 317 | 14 | 76 | 0 | 90 | 15.6% | 84.4% | R+68.9 |
Presidential margin, 1904–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1904 | +74.3% |
| 1908 | +66.8% |
| 1912 | +74.9% |
| 1916 | +65.9% |
| 1920 | +32.1% |
| 1924 | +56.0% |
| 1928 | −5.3% |
| 1932 | +71.0% |
| 1936 | +83.9% |
| 1940 | +64.6% |
| 1944 | +48.7% |
| 1948 | +43.8% |
| 1952 | −38.6% |
| 1956 | −24.8% |
| 1960 | −35.8% |
| 1964 | −13.2% |
| 1968 | −39.5% |
| 1972 | −67.6% |
| 1976 | −30.3% |
| 1980 | −50.4% |
| 1984 | −66.5% |
| 1988 | −53.2% |
| 1992 | −39.1% |
| 1996 | −48.2% |
| 2000 | −63.9% |
| 2004 | −67.2% |
| 2008 | −62.7% |
| 2012 | −68.2% |
| 2016 | −64.6% |
| 2020 | −58.7% |
| 2024 | −60.4% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
Total registered voters, over time
| Year | Total registered |
|---|---|
| 2016 | 81,016 |
| 2018 | 87,729 |
| 2020 | 93,313 |
| 2022 | 95,933 |
| 2024 | 100,105 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
+1,473 net domestic migration · 2025
Net +18,318 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $57,957 in average income, against $97,705 for residents who stayed — 41% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+41.7 on average — 19 points more Democratic-leaning than Randall County, TX itself (R+60.4).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Potter County, TX2,133R+44.4
- Lubbock County, TX172R+39.5
- Deaf Smith County, TX128R+51.7
- Moore County, TX106R+67.1
- Hutchinson County, TX99R+77.1
- Gray County, TX72R+77.1
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Potter County, TX1,933
- Lubbock County, TX192
- Tarrant County, TX92
- Dallas County, TX76
- Denton County, TX75
- Hutchinson County, TX63
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | +1,387 |
| 2012 | +750 |
| 2013 | +994 |
| 2014 | +1,023 |
| 2015 | +822 |
| 2016 | +1,270 |
| 2017 | +996 |
| 2018 | +1,100 |
| 2019 | +1,474 |
| 2021 | +2,568 |
| 2022 | +1,659 |
| 2023 | +1,280 |
| 2024 | +1,522 |
| 2025 | +1,473 |
Randall County, home to the city of Canyon and part of the Amarillo metro, has posted Republican presidential margins above 60 points in recent cycles, reflecting the cultural and demographic profile of the Texas Panhandle's rural-suburban core.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 83.9 points in 1936 and a Republican high of 68.2 points in 2012. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 1.6 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 60.4 points.
A population of 146,070, a 67% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $83,864 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Erath County and Hunt County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Randall County, Texas. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/48381/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.