- Lead
- 10,275
- Total
- 19,831
- vs nation
- R+50.3
- Turnout
- 56.0%
Navarro County, TX
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 56.0% of 35,661 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 8,699
- Total
- 19,151
- vs nation
- R+49.9
- Turnout
- 59.4%
- Lead
- 7,992
- Total
- 16,433
- vs nation
- R+50.7
- Turnout
- 52.4%
- Lead
- 6,497
- Total
- 15,364
- vs nation
- R+46.1
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 5,410
- Total
- 16,321
- vs nation
- R+40.4
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 5,456
- Total
- 16,034
- vs nation
- R+31.6
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 2,992
- Total
- 13,890
- vs nation
- R+22.1
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 842
- Total
- 12,502
- vs nation
- R+1.8
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- R+51.8MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 54,7112024 5-year
- Median household income
- $63,1112024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 50.5%2024 5-year
- Black
- 9.1%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 32.1%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+90.2 in 1936MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+51.8 in 2024MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Liberty County, TX · twin score 90.2
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 56.0%19,969 participants ÷ 35,661 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +18.6 ptsVolatile
- Drop-off versus state
- -0.5 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 37.4%–43.1%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 16,569 | 31,620 | 52.4% | A/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 14,453 | 32,000 | 45.2% | A/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 19,274 | 32,473 | 59.4% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 14,181 | 34,803 | 40.7% | A/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 19,969 | 35,661 | 56.0% | A/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 293/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 297/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 306/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 311/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
30 precincts · 19,867 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -Precinct 203Precinct 203 | 422 | 1,183 | 18 | 1,623 | 26.0% | 72.9% | R+46.9 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -Precinct 402Precinct 402 | 283 | 1,173 | 13 | 1,469 | 19.3% | 79.9% | R+60.6 |
| Precinct -Precinct 103Precinct 103 | 289 | 998 | 13 | 1,300 | 22.2% | 76.8% | R+54.5 |
| Precinct -Precinct 300Precinct 300 | 475 | 776 | 16 | 1,267 | 37.5% | 61.2% | R+23.8 |
| Precinct -Precinct 205Precinct 205 | 196 | 1,015 | 18 | 1,229 | 15.9% | 82.6% | R+66.6 |
| Precinct -Precinct 400Precinct 400 | 298 | 823 | 10 | 1,131 | 26.3% | 72.8% | R+46.4 |
| Precinct -Precinct 403Precinct 403 | 139 | 980 | 4 | 1,123 | 12.4% | 87.3% | R+74.9 |
| Precinct -Precinct 404Precinct 404 | 151 | 750 | 6 | 907 | 16.6% | 82.7% | R+66.0 |
| Precinct -Precinct 101Precinct 101 | 292 | 598 | 7 | 897 | 32.6% | 66.7% | R+34.1 |
| Precinct -Precinct 303Precinct 303 | 153 | 704 | 6 | 863 | 17.7% | 81.6% | R+63.8 |
| Precinct -Precinct 107Precinct 107 | 209 | 632 | 8 | 849 | 24.6% | 74.4% | R+49.8 |
| Precinct -Precinct 304Precinct 304 | 94 | 606 | 4 | 704 | 13.4% | 86.1% | R+72.7 |
| Precinct -Precinct 200Precinct 200 | 336 | 325 | 5 | 666 | 50.5% | 48.8% | D+1.7 |
| Precinct -Precinct 405Precinct 405 | 75 | 571 | 3 | 649 | 11.6% | 88.0% | R+76.4 |
| Precinct -Precinct 104Precinct 104 | 88 | 433 | 4 | 525 | 16.8% | 82.5% | R+65.7 |
| Precinct -Precinct 206Precinct 206 | 71 | 416 | 6 | 493 | 14.4% | 84.4% | R+70.0 |
| Precinct -Precinct 106Precinct 106 | 76 | 325 | 2 | 403 | 18.9% | 80.6% | R+61.8 |
| Precinct -Precinct 305Precinct 305 | 58 | 314 | 2 | 374 | 15.5% | 84.0% | R+68.4 |
| Precinct -Precinct 308Precinct 308 | 60 | 308 | 4 | 372 | 16.1% | 82.8% | R+66.7 |
| Precinct -Precinct 202Precinct 202 | 202 | 154 | 6 | 362 | 55.8% | 42.5% | D+13.3 |
| Precinct -Precinct 201Precinct 201 | 278 | 75 | 4 | 357 | 77.9% | 21.0% | D+56.9 |
| Precinct -Precinct 108Precinct 108 | 68 | 271 | 3 | 342 | 19.9% | 79.2% | R+59.4 |
| Precinct -Precinct 307Precinct 307 | 56 | 285 | 1 | 342 | 16.4% | 83.3% | R+67.0 |
| Precinct -Precinct 401Precinct 401 | 96 | 199 | 3 | 298 | 32.2% | 66.8% | R+34.6 |
| Precinct -Precinct 109Precinct 109 | 54 | 238 | 3 | 295 | 18.3% | 80.7% | R+62.4 |
| Precinct -Precinct 406Precinct 406 | 19 | 194 | 1 | 214 | 8.9% | 90.7% | R+81.8 |
| Precinct -Precinct 105Precinct 105 | 17 | 194 | 1 | 212 | 8.0% | 91.5% | R+83.5 |
| Precinct -Precinct 204Precinct 204 | 54 | 153 | 2 | 209 | 25.8% | 73.2% | R+47.4 |
| Precinct -Precinct 306Precinct 306 | 30 | 169 | 0 | 199 | 15.1% | 84.9% | R+69.8 |
| Precinct -Precinct 301Precinct 301 | 69 | 121 | 3 | 193 | 35.8% | 62.7% | R+26.9 |
Presidential margin, 1904–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1904 | +66.9% |
| 1908 | +63.8% |
| 1912 | +79.5% |
| 1916 | +82.3% |
| 1920 | +48.5% |
| 1924 | +72.3% |
| 1928 | +4.4% |
| 1932 | +85.0% |
| 1936 | +90.2% |
| 1940 | +82.7% |
| 1944 | +79.0% |
| 1948 | +53.8% |
| 1952 | +41.7% |
| 1956 | +19.3% |
| 1960 | +24.5% |
| 1964 | +52.2% |
| 1968 | +23.6% |
| 1972 | −30.0% |
| 1976 | +27.0% |
| 1980 | +12.6% |
| 1984 | −15.9% |
| 1988 | +2.3% |
| 1992 | +7.5% |
| 1996 | +6.7% |
| 2000 | −21.5% |
| 2004 | −34.0% |
| 2008 | −33.1% |
| 2012 | −42.3% |
| 2016 | −48.6% |
| 2020 | −45.4% |
| 2024 | −51.8% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
Total registered voters, over time
| Year | Total registered |
|---|---|
| 2016 | 27,738 |
| 2018 | 28,607 |
| 2020 | 29,959 |
| 2022 | 31,135 |
| 2024 | 32,955 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
+604 net domestic migration · 2025
Net +4,189 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $61,425 in average income, against $65,492 for residents who stayed — 6% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+12.2 on average — 40 points more Democratic-leaning than Navarro County, TX itself (R+51.8).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Dallas County, TX333D+22.2
- Ellis County, TX260R+31.1
- Tarrant County, TX115R+5.1
- Henderson County, TX61R+63.5
- Freestone County, TX42R+66.3
- Denton County, TX37R+13.1
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Ellis County, TX214
- Dallas County, TX139
- Tarrant County, TX94
- Henderson County, TX51
- McLennan County, TX50
- Denton County, TX49
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | 0 |
| 2012 | −91 |
| 2013 | −318 |
| 2014 | −392 |
| 2015 | +90 |
| 2016 | +41 |
| 2017 | +196 |
| 2018 | +633 |
| 2019 | +428 |
| 2021 | +821 |
| 2022 | +919 |
| 2023 | +738 |
| 2024 | +520 |
| 2025 | +604 |
Navarro County, anchored by Corsicana, shifted steadily rightward over the past two decades; its R+51.8 margin in 2024 reflects a rural realignment driven by a shrinking urban core and declining ticket-splitting.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 90.2 points in 1936 and a Republican high of 51.8 points in 2024. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 6.4 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 51.8 points.
A population of 54,711, a 51% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $63,111 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Liberty County and Ector County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Navarro County, Texas. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/48349/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.