- Lead
- 436
- Total
- 4,461
- vs nation
- R+8.3
- Turnout
- 64.2%
Duval County, TX
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 64.2% of 7,217 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 132
- Total
- 5,053
- vs nation
- R+1.8
- Turnout
- 65.4%
- Lead
- 1,467
- Total
- 4,168
- vs nation
- D+33.1
- Turnout
- 50.5%
- Lead
- 2,351
- Total
- 4,344
- vs nation
- D+50.3
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 2,222
- Total
- 4,409
- vs nation
- D+43.1
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 1,756
- Total
- 4,091
- vs nation
- D+45.4
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 2,980
- Total
- 5,030
- vs nation
- D+58.7
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 3,415
- Total
- 4,660
- vs nation
- D+64.8
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- R+9.8MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 9,7422024 5-year
- Median household income
- $49,0382024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 15.6%2024 5-year
- Black
- 0.7%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 81.6%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+99.0 in 1912MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+9.8 in 2024MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Starr County, TX · twin score 97.5
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 64.2%4,632 participants ÷ 7,217 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +11.8 ptsVolatile
- Drop-off versus state
- -7.3 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 52.4%–59.6%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 4,277 | 8,473 | 50.5% | A/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 4,307 | 8,100 | 53.2% | A/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 5,258 | 8,041 | 65.4% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 3,936 | 7,347 | 53.6% | A/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 4,632 | 7,217 | 64.2% | A/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 293/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 297/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 306/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 311/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
9 precincts · 4,447 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -Precinct 8Precinct 8 | 385 | 884 | 3 | 1,272 | 30.3% | 69.5% | R+39.2 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -Precinct 1Precinct 1 | 543 | 581 | 6 | 1,130 | 48.1% | 51.4% | R+3.4 |
| Precinct -Precinct 2Precinct 2 | 397 | 257 | 3 | 657 | 60.4% | 39.1% | D+21.3 |
| Precinct -Precinct 9Precinct 9 | 302 | 294 | 3 | 599 | 50.4% | 49.1% | D+1.3 |
| Precinct -Precinct 5Precinct 5 | 117 | 159 | 1 | 277 | 42.2% | 57.4% | R+15.2 |
| Precinct -Precinct 3Precinct 3 | 153 | 96 | 2 | 251 | 61.0% | 38.2% | D+22.7 |
| Precinct -Precinct 7Precinct 7 | 22 | 86 | 0 | 108 | 20.4% | 79.6% | R+59.3 |
| Precinct -Precinct 6Precinct 6 | 47 | 33 | 1 | 81 | 58.0% | 40.7% | D+17.3 |
| Precinct -Precinct 4Precinct 4 | 27 | 45 | 0 | 72 | 37.5% | 62.5% | R+25.0 |
Presidential margin, 1908–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1908 | +6.7% |
| 1912 | +99.0% |
| 1916 | +87.9% |
| 1920 | +84.8% |
| 1924 | +85.8% |
| 1928 | +48.3% |
| 1932 | +96.2% |
| 1936 | +89.2% |
| 1940 | +91.0% |
| 1944 | +91.4% |
| 1948 | +93.3% |
| 1952 | +66.3% |
| 1956 | +36.1% |
| 1960 | +64.9% |
| 1964 | +85.2% |
| 1968 | +80.2% |
| 1972 | +71.4% |
| 1976 | +73.0% |
| 1980 | +56.6% |
| 1984 | +51.4% |
| 1988 | +64.2% |
| 1992 | +65.7% |
| 1996 | +73.3% |
| 2000 | +59.2% |
| 2004 | +42.9% |
| 2008 | +50.4% |
| 2012 | +54.1% |
| 2016 | +35.2% |
| 2020 | +2.6% |
| 2024 | −9.8% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
Total registered voters, over time
| Year | Total registered |
|---|---|
| 2016 | 7,139 |
| 2018 | 1,971 |
| 2020 | 8,346 |
| 2022 | 8,129 |
| 2024 | 8,031 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
−202 net domestic migration · 2025
Net −1,196 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $34,538 in average income, against $47,981 for residents who stayed — 28% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+14.6 on average — 4.8 points more Republican-leaning than Duval County, TX itself (R+9.8).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Jim Wells County, TX84R+15.5
- Nueces County, TX25R+11.5
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Jim Wells County, TX80
- Nueces County, TX40
- Bexar County, TX28
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | +13 |
| 2012 | −290 |
| 2013 | −27 |
| 2014 | −119 |
| 2015 | −231 |
| 2016 | +64 |
| 2017 | −185 |
| 2018 | −149 |
| 2019 | −8 |
| 2021 | +264 |
| 2022 | −312 |
| 2023 | −61 |
| 2024 | +47 |
| 2025 | −202 |
Duval County, long anchored by South Texas Hispanic voters who delivered lopsided Democratic margins for decades, swung sharply rightward across the 2020s — a shift that mirrors broader realignment patterns along the Rio Grande corridor.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 99.0 points in 1912 and a Republican high of 9.8 points in 2024. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 12.4 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 9.8 points.
A population of 9,742, a 16% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $49,038 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Starr County and Zavala County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Duval County, Texas. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/48131/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.