- Lead
- 3,579
- Total
- 5,796
- vs nation
- R+60.3
- Turnout
- 64.5%
Red River County, TX
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 64.5% of 9,013 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 3,271
- Total
- 5,812
- vs nation
- R+60.7
- Turnout
- 60.3%
- Lead
- 2,777
- Total
- 5,161
- vs nation
- R+55.9
- Turnout
- 53.3%
- Lead
- 2,067
- Total
- 5,074
- vs nation
- R+44.6
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 1,922
- Total
- 5,052
- vs nation
- R+45.3
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 1,282
- Total
- 5,490
- vs nation
- R+20.9
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 722
- Total
- 5,202
- vs nation
- R+14.4
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 556
- Total
- 4,565
- vs nation
- D+3.7
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- R+61.7MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 11,6112024 5-year
- Median household income
- $48,4912024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 72.8%2024 5-year
- Black
- 16.3%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 7.5%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+91.1 in 1932MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+61.7 in 2024MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Cass County, TX · twin score 93.8
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 64.5%5,810 participants ÷ 9,013 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +12.8 ptsVolatile
- Drop-off versus state
- -6.3 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 51.7%–54.4%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 5,227 | 9,812 | 53.3% | A/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 4,447 | 9,670 | 46.0% | A/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 5,807 | 9,633 | 60.3% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 4,290 | 9,026 | 47.5% | A/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 5,810 | 9,013 | 64.5% | A/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 293/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 297/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 306/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 311/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
30 precincts · 5,768 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -Precinct 5Precinct 5 | 70 | 737 | 1 | 808 | 8.7% | 91.2% | R+82.5 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -Precinct 3-1Precinct 3-1 | 342 | 423 | 2 | 767 | 44.6% | 55.1% | R+10.6 |
| Precinct -Precinct 4Precinct 4 | 199 | 420 | 2 | 621 | 32.0% | 67.6% | R+35.6 |
| Precinct -Precinct 13-1Precinct 13-1 | 61 | 463 | 1 | 525 | 11.6% | 88.2% | R+76.6 |
| Precinct -Precinct 2-4Precinct 2-4 | 41 | 309 | 0 | 350 | 11.7% | 88.3% | R+76.6 |
| Precinct -Precinct 19-1Precinct 19-1 | 44 | 287 | 0 | 331 | 13.3% | 86.7% | R+73.4 |
| Precinct -Precinct 27Precinct 27 | 23 | 280 | 1 | 304 | 7.6% | 92.1% | R+84.5 |
| Precinct -Precinct 9Precinct 9 | 22 | 205 | 0 | 227 | 9.7% | 90.3% | R+80.6 |
| Precinct -Precinct 7APrecinct 7A | 22 | 173 | 0 | 195 | 11.3% | 88.7% | R+77.4 |
| Precinct -Precinct 28Precinct 28 | 35 | 151 | 0 | 186 | 18.8% | 81.2% | R+62.4 |
| Precinct -Precinct 17Precinct 17 | 22 | 161 | 1 | 184 | 12.0% | 87.5% | R+75.5 |
| Precinct -Precinct 10Precinct 10 | 15 | 147 | 0 | 162 | 9.3% | 90.7% | R+81.5 |
| Precinct -Precinct 14-1Precinct 14-1 | 0 | 161 | 0 | 161 | 0.0% | 100.0% | R+100.0 |
| Precinct -Precinct 20-1Precinct 20-1 | 39 | 87 | 0 | 126 | 31.0% | 69.0% | R+38.1 |
| Precinct -Precinct 11Precinct 11 | 14 | 109 | 0 | 123 | 11.4% | 88.6% | R+77.2 |
| Precinct -Precinct 24Precinct 24 | 25 | 91 | 0 | 116 | 21.6% | 78.4% | R+56.9 |
| Precinct -Precinct 31Precinct 31 | 34 | 67 | 1 | 102 | 33.3% | 65.7% | R+32.4 |
| Precinct -Precinct 29Precinct 29 | 20 | 81 | 0 | 101 | 19.8% | 80.2% | R+60.4 |
| Precinct -Precinct 30Precinct 30 | 8 | 93 | 0 | 101 | 7.9% | 92.1% | R+84.2 |
| Precinct -Precinct 18Precinct 18 | 8 | 86 | 0 | 94 | 8.5% | 91.5% | R+83.0 |
| Precinct -Precinct 21-1Precinct 21-1 | 0 | 91 | 0 | 91 | 0.0% | 100.0% | R+100.0 |
| Precinct -Precinct 1Precinct 1 | 4 | 41 | 0 | 45 | 8.9% | 91.1% | R+82.2 |
| Precinct -Precinct 2-1APrecinct 2-1A | 20 | 12 | 0 | 32 | 62.5% | 37.5% | D+25.0 |
| Precinct -Precinct 2-1BPrecinct 2-1B | 8 | 7 | 1 | 16 | 50.0% | 43.8% | D+6.3 |
| Precinct -Precinct 13-4Precinct 13-4 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Precinct -Precinct 14-4Precinct 14-4 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Precinct -Precinct 19-4Precinct 19-4 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Precinct -Precinct 20-4Precinct 20-4 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Precinct -Precinct 21-4Precinct 21-4 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Precinct -Precinct 3-4Precinct 3-4 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
Presidential margin, 1904–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1904 | +40.7% |
| 1908 | +49.9% |
| 1912 | +59.0% |
| 1916 | +66.0% |
| 1920 | +41.4% |
| 1924 | +81.1% |
| 1928 | +17.4% |
| 1932 | +91.1% |
| 1936 | +86.1% |
| 1940 | +75.0% |
| 1944 | +66.0% |
| 1948 | +67.3% |
| 1952 | +27.9% |
| 1956 | +13.5% |
| 1960 | +30.1% |
| 1964 | +45.9% |
| 1968 | +18.4% |
| 1972 | −39.1% |
| 1976 | +32.9% |
| 1980 | +22.1% |
| 1984 | −8.4% |
| 1988 | +12.2% |
| 1992 | +16.8% |
| 1996 | +12.2% |
| 2000 | −13.9% |
| 2004 | −23.4% |
| 2008 | −38.0% |
| 2012 | −40.7% |
| 2016 | −53.8% |
| 2020 | −56.3% |
| 2024 | −61.7% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
Total registered voters, over time
| Year | Total registered |
|---|---|
| 2016 | 8,247 |
| 2018 | 8,248 |
| 2020 | 8,489 |
| 2022 | 8,621 |
| 2024 | 8,746 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
+3 net domestic migration · 2025
Net +180 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $67,443 in average income, against $55,237 for residents who stayed — 22% higher. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+46.2 on average — 16 points more Democratic-leaning than Red River County, TX itself (R+61.7).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Lamar County, TX88R+60.9
- Bowie County, TX28R+48.7
- Dallas County, TX20D+22.2
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Lamar County, TX94
- Bowie County, TX27
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | −132 |
| 2012 | +93 |
| 2013 | −187 |
| 2014 | −12 |
| 2015 | −19 |
| 2016 | −119 |
| 2017 | +57 |
| 2018 | +14 |
| 2019 | −55 |
| 2021 | +126 |
| 2022 | +125 |
| 2023 | +141 |
| 2024 | +145 |
| 2025 | +3 |
Red River County, wedged between the Red River and Oklahoma border, returned an R+61.8 margin in 2024 — a spread typical of deep-rural East Texas counties where Democratic registration has eroded steadily over two decades.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 91.1 points in 1932 and a Republican high of 61.7 points in 2024. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 5.5 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 61.7 points.
A population of 11,611, a 73% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $48,491 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Cass County and Newton County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Red River County, Texas. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/48387/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.