- Lead
- 7,785
- Total
- 11,077
- vs nation
- R+68.8
- Turnout
- 63.4%
Scott County, VA
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 63.4% of 17,558 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 7,371
- Total
- 10,869
- vs nation
- R+72.3
- Turnout
- 62.0%
- Lead
- 6,666
- Total
- 10,100
- vs nation
- R+68.1
- Turnout
- 56.1%
- Lead
- 5,044
- Total
- 9,992
- vs nation
- R+54.3
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 4,255
- Total
- 9,875
- vs nation
- R+50.4
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 3,155
- Total
- 9,967
- vs nation
- R+29.2
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 1,983
- Total
- 9,335
- vs nation
- R+21.8
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 637
- Total
- 8,573
- vs nation
- R+16.0
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- R+70.3MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 21,4792024 5-year
- Median household income
- $46,3492024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 95.4%2024 5-year
- Black
- 1.3%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 1.5%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+25.5 in 1912MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+70.3 in 2024MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Unicoi County, TN · twin score 96.3
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 63.4%11,133 participants ÷ 17,558 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +24.7 ptsPresidential-dependent
- Drop-off versus state
- +0.9 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 38.8%–44.4%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 10,143 | 18,072 | 56.1% | A/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 7,608 | 17,809 | 42.7% | A/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 10,940 | 17,659 | 62.0% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 6,566 | 17,605 | 37.3% | A/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 11,133 | 17,558 | 63.4% | A/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 293/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 297/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 306/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 311/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
34 precincts · 11,076 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -401 - GATE CITY401 - GATE CITY | 351 | 1,732 | 10 | 2,093 | 16.8% | 82.8% | R+66.0 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -102 - YUMA102 - YUMA | 188 | 931 | 8 | 1,127 | 16.7% | 82.6% | R+65.9 |
| Precinct -203 - HILTONS203 - HILTONS | 163 | 868 | 13 | 1,044 | 15.6% | 83.1% | R+67.5 |
| Precinct -602 - DUFFIELD-PATTONSVILLE602 - DUFFIELD-PATTONSVILLE | 145 | 866 | 7 | 1,018 | 14.2% | 85.1% | R+70.8 |
| Precinct -101 - WEBER CITY101 - WEBER CITY | 148 | 660 | 4 | 812 | 18.2% | 81.3% | R+63.1 |
| Precinct -301 - NICKELSVILLE301 - NICKELSVILLE | 104 | 685 | 3 | 792 | 13.1% | 86.5% | R+73.4 |
| Precinct -202 - WEBER CITY EAST202 - WEBER CITY EAST | 105 | 658 | 7 | 770 | 13.6% | 85.5% | R+71.8 |
| Precinct -504 - RYE COVE504 - RYE COVE | 62 | 610 | 4 | 676 | 9.2% | 90.2% | R+81.1 |
| Precinct -302 - SNOWFLAKE302 - SNOWFLAKE | 64 | 518 | 2 | 584 | 11.0% | 88.7% | R+77.7 |
| Precinct -502 - FORT BLACKMORE502 - FORT BLACKMORE | 53 | 418 | 0 | 471 | 11.3% | 88.7% | R+77.5 |
| Precinct -601 - CLINCHPORT601 - CLINCHPORT | 54 | 406 | 7 | 467 | 11.6% | 86.9% | R+75.4 |
| Precinct -501 - DUNGANNON501 - DUNGANNON | 79 | 355 | 3 | 437 | 18.1% | 81.2% | R+63.2 |
| Precinct -503 - MANVILLE503 - MANVILLE | 35 | 279 | 3 | 317 | 11.0% | 88.0% | R+77.0 |
| Precinct -603 - FAIRVIEW603 - FAIRVIEW | 35 | 231 | 0 | 266 | 13.2% | 86.8% | R+73.7 |
| Precinct -304 - COPPER CREEK304 - COPPER CREEK | 21 | 175 | 6 | 202 | 10.4% | 86.6% | R+76.2 |
| Clark's51169000204 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Clinchport51169000601 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Copper Creek51169000304 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Duffield-Pattonsville51169000602 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Dungannon51169000501 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Fairview51169000603 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Fort Blackmore51169000502 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Gate City51169000401 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Hiltons51169000203 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Manville51169000503 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Nickelsville51169000301 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Precinct -204 - CLARKE'S204 - CLARKE'S | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Precinct -303 - TWINS SPRINGS303 - TWINS SPRINGS | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Rye Cove51169000504 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Snowflake51169000302 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Twin Springs51169000303 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Weber City51169000101 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Weber City East51169000202 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Yuma51169000102 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
Presidential margin, 1892–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1892 | +8.9% |
| 1896 | −10.3% |
| 1900 | +4.4% |
| 1904 | −20.6% |
| 1908 | −21.7% |
| 1912 | +25.5% |
| 1916 | −13.8% |
| 1920 | −18.9% |
| 1924 | −10.0% |
| 1928 | −10.6% |
| 1932 | +12.1% |
| 1936 | +1.8% |
| 1940 | −9.3% |
| 1944 | −3.4% |
| 1948 | −13.5% |
| 1952 | −22.3% |
| 1956 | −17.4% |
| 1960 | −13.1% |
| 1964 | +0.6% |
| 1968 | −22.0% |
| 1972 | −65.2% |
| 1976 | +1.9% |
| 1980 | −4.6% |
| 1984 | −19.3% |
| 1988 | −15.6% |
| 1992 | −5.5% |
| 1996 | −7.4% |
| 2000 | −21.2% |
| 2004 | −31.7% |
| 2008 | −43.1% |
| 2012 | −50.5% |
| 2016 | −66.0% |
| 2020 | −67.8% |
| 2024 | −70.3% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
Total registered voters, over time
| Year | Total registered |
|---|---|
| 2016 | 15,877 |
| 2018 | 15,007 |
| 2020 | 15,741 |
| 2022 | 16,010 |
| 2024 | 16,333 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
+34 net domestic migration · 2025
Net +255 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $50,751 in average income, against $59,247 for residents who stayed — 14% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+57.4 on average — 13 points more Democratic-leaning than Scott County, VA itself (R+70.3).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Sullivan County, TN112R+55.0
- Hawkins County, TN50R+68.8
- Wise County, VA27R+63.2
- Washington County, TN26R+39.5
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Sullivan County, TN115
- Hawkins County, TN31
- Lee County, VA25
- Wise County, VA23
- Washington County, TN20
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | +25 |
| 2012 | +5 |
| 2013 | −44 |
| 2014 | −127 |
| 2015 | −107 |
| 2016 | −92 |
| 2017 | −55 |
| 2018 | −92 |
| 2019 | +23 |
| 2021 | +122 |
| 2022 | +225 |
| 2023 | +151 |
| 2024 | +187 |
| 2025 | +34 |
Tucked into Virginia's coalfield corner where three states meet, Scott County delivered a 70-point Republican presidential margin in 2024, reflecting the sharp rightward realignment that has reshaped Appalachian Virginia over the past two decades.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 25.5 points in 1912 and a Republican high of 70.3 points in 2024. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 2.5 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 70.3 points.
A population of 21,479, a 95% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $46,349 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Unicoi County and Estill County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Scott County, Virginia. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/51169/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.