- Lead
- 4,211
- Total
- 5,721
- vs nation
- R+72.1
- Turnout
- 48.0%
Scurry County, TX
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 48.0% of 11,977 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 4,165
- Total
- 5,880
- vs nation
- R+75.3
- Turnout
- 47.8%
- Lead
- 3,677
- Total
- 5,312
- vs nation
- R+71.3
- Turnout
- 43.5%
- Lead
- 3,286
- Total
- 5,027
- vs nation
- R+69.2
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 3,326
- Total
- 5,569
- vs nation
- R+67.0
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 3,595
- Total
- 5,572
- vs nation
- R+62.1
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 2,867
- Total
- 5,326
- vs nation
- R+54.3
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 830
- Total
- 5,864
- vs nation
- R+22.7
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- R+73.6MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 16,4882024 5-year
- Median household income
- $60,0392024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 49.0%2024 5-year
- Black
- 3.3%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 43.3%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+87.6 in 1932MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+73.6 in 2024MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Hockley County, TX · twin score 96.6
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 48.0%5,745 participants ÷ 11,977 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +13.9 ptsPersistently low turnout
- Drop-off versus state
- -5.2 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 34.0%–37.0%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 5,367 | 12,351 | 43.5% | A/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 4,391 | 12,389 | 35.4% | A/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 5,876 | 12,286 | 47.8% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 4,153 | 12,251 | 33.9% | A/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 5,745 | 11,977 | 48.0% | A/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 293/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 297/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 306/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 311/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
11 precincts · 5,731 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -Precinct 7Precinct 7 | 159 | 1,229 | 16 | 1,404 | 11.3% | 87.5% | R+76.2 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -Precinct 12Precinct 12 | 144 | 839 | 11 | 994 | 14.5% | 84.4% | R+69.9 |
| Precinct -Precinct 15Precinct 15 | 143 | 646 | 7 | 796 | 18.0% | 81.2% | R+63.2 |
| Precinct -Precinct 8Precinct 8 | 92 | 524 | 7 | 623 | 14.8% | 84.1% | R+69.3 |
| Precinct -Precinct 10Precinct 10 | 51 | 565 | 3 | 619 | 8.2% | 91.3% | R+83.0 |
| Precinct -Precinct 9Precinct 9 | 36 | 351 | 3 | 390 | 9.2% | 90.0% | R+80.8 |
| Precinct -Precinct 13Precinct 13 | 49 | 319 | 3 | 371 | 13.2% | 86.0% | R+72.8 |
| Precinct -Precinct 6Precinct 6 | 30 | 247 | 1 | 278 | 10.8% | 88.8% | R+78.1 |
| Precinct -Precinct 11Precinct 11 | 9 | 91 | 1 | 101 | 8.9% | 90.1% | R+81.2 |
| Precinct -Precinct 14Precinct 14 | 8 | 74 | 0 | 82 | 9.8% | 90.2% | R+80.5 |
| Precinct -Precinct 5Precinct 5 | 13 | 60 | 0 | 73 | 17.8% | 82.2% | R+64.4 |
Presidential margin, 1904–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1904 | +38.5% |
| 1908 | +71.7% |
| 1912 | +77.2% |
| 1916 | +85.6% |
| 1920 | +64.6% |
| 1924 | +63.5% |
| 1928 | −55.1% |
| 1932 | +87.6% |
| 1936 | +82.8% |
| 1940 | +78.3% |
| 1944 | +67.8% |
| 1948 | +79.7% |
| 1952 | −2.7% |
| 1956 | +8.9% |
| 1960 | +14.8% |
| 1964 | +31.9% |
| 1968 | +5.9% |
| 1972 | −50.6% |
| 1976 | −2.9% |
| 1980 | −29.8% |
| 1984 | −52.3% |
| 1988 | −27.7% |
| 1992 | −17.3% |
| 1996 | −14.2% |
| 2000 | −53.8% |
| 2004 | −64.5% |
| 2008 | −59.7% |
| 2012 | −65.4% |
| 2016 | −69.2% |
| 2020 | −70.8% |
| 2024 | −73.6% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
Total registered voters, over time
| Year | Total registered |
|---|---|
| 2016 | 9,486 |
| 2018 | 9,391 |
| 2020 | 9,489 |
| 2022 | 9,315 |
| 2024 | 9,366 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
−38 net domestic migration · 2025
Net −1,915 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $53,461 in average income, against $87,136 for residents who stayed — 39% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+54.5 on average — 19 points more Democratic-leaning than Scurry County, TX itself (R+73.6).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Lubbock County, TX29R+39.5
- Mitchell County, TX26R+71.3
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Lubbock County, TX38
- Taylor County, TX24
- Mitchell County, TX23
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | −168 |
| 2012 | +188 |
| 2013 | +45 |
| 2014 | +16 |
| 2015 | +116 |
| 2016 | −268 |
| 2017 | −491 |
| 2018 | −242 |
| 2019 | −136 |
| 2021 | −97 |
| 2022 | −649 |
| 2023 | −91 |
| 2024 | −100 |
| 2025 | −38 |
Anchored by Snyder and sustained by oil extraction and ranching, Scurry County has delivered Republican presidential margins above 70 points in recent cycles, reflecting the deep partisan lean common to sparsely populated Permian Basin communities.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 87.6 points in 1932 and a Republican high of 73.6 points in 2024. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 2.8 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 73.6 points.
A population of 16,488, a 49% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $60,039 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Hockley County and Andrews County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Scurry County, Texas. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/48415/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.