- Lead
- 12,965
- Total
- 21,285
- vs nation
- R+59.4
- Turnout
- 56.7%
Lamar County, TX
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 56.7% of 37,548 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 12,302
- Total
- 21,442
- vs nation
- R+61.8
- Turnout
- 58.7%
- Lead
- 10,978
- Total
- 18,714
- vs nation
- R+60.8
- Turnout
- 51.3%
- Lead
- 8,645
- Total
- 17,197
- vs nation
- R+54.1
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 7,709
- Total
- 18,362
- vs nation
- R+49.3
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 6,716
- Total
- 17,470
- vs nation
- R+36.0
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 4,222
- Total
- 15,430
- vs nation
- R+27.9
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 318
- Total
- 13,722
- vs nation
- R+10.8
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- R+60.9MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 50,6692024 5-year
- Median household income
- $61,8802024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 71.3%2024 5-year
- Black
- 12.0%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 9.6%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+89.5 in 1936MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+60.9 in 2024MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- LaSalle Parish, LA · twin score 94.6
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 56.7%21,285 participants ÷ 37,548 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +17.2 ptsVolatile
- Drop-off versus state
- -1.9 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 39.5%–45.1%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 18,823 | 36,706 | 51.3% | A/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 16,568 | 36,594 | 45.3% | C/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 21,585 | 36,764 | 58.7% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 15,402 | 37,113 | 41.5% | A/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 21,285 | 37,548 | 56.7% | C/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 293/111.
- 2018: numerator source 159, denominator source 157; top ticket votes; canonical-complete-contest-floor-v1; allocation share 0.0%; series 150/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 306/183.
- 2024: numerator source 159, denominator source 157; top ticket votes; canonical-complete-contest-floor-v1; allocation share 0.0%; series 156/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
26 precincts · 20,238 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -Precinct 1A3BPrecinct 1A3B | 587 | 1,957 | 21 | 2,565 | 22.9% | 76.3% | R+53.4 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -Precinct 2C3APrecinct 2C3A | 716 | 881 | 12 | 1,609 | 44.5% | 54.8% | R+10.3 |
| Precinct -Precinct 3C7GPrecinct 3C7G | 445 | 854 | 15 | 1,314 | 33.9% | 65.0% | R+31.1 |
| Precinct -Precinct 4BPrecinct 4B | 143 | 1,126 | 8 | 1,277 | 11.2% | 88.2% | R+77.0 |
| Precinct -Precinct 4FPrecinct 4F | 176 | 1,069 | 10 | 1,255 | 14.0% | 85.2% | R+71.2 |
| Precinct -Precinct 4DPrecinct 4D | 92 | 1,104 | 6 | 1,202 | 7.7% | 91.8% | R+84.2 |
| Precinct -Precinct 4A6EPrecinct 4A6E | 241 | 754 | 10 | 1,005 | 24.0% | 75.0% | R+51.0 |
| Precinct -Precinct 1FPrecinct 1F | 94 | 896 | 7 | 997 | 9.4% | 89.9% | R+80.4 |
| Precinct -Precinct 3IPrecinct 3I | 119 | 859 | 11 | 989 | 12.0% | 86.9% | R+74.8 |
| Precinct -Precinct 3EPrecinct 3E | 61 | 906 | 3 | 970 | 6.3% | 93.4% | R+87.1 |
| Precinct -Precinct 4EPrecinct 4E | 90 | 765 | 4 | 859 | 10.5% | 89.1% | R+78.6 |
| Precinct -Precinct 3DPrecinct 3D | 73 | 519 | 7 | 599 | 12.2% | 86.6% | R+74.5 |
| Precinct -Precinct 1EPrecinct 1E | 68 | 513 | 4 | 585 | 11.6% | 87.7% | R+76.1 |
| Precinct -Precinct 3H3CPrecinct 3H3C | 134 | 387 | 4 | 525 | 25.5% | 73.7% | R+48.2 |
| Precinct -Precinct 2A1APrecinct 2A1A | 314 | 186 | 9 | 509 | 61.7% | 36.5% | D+25.1 |
| Precinct -Precinct 2GPrecinct 2G | 79 | 413 | 3 | 495 | 16.0% | 83.4% | R+67.5 |
| Precinct -Precinct 1HPrecinct 1H | 39 | 441 | 5 | 485 | 8.0% | 90.9% | R+82.9 |
| Precinct -Precinct 2EPrecinct 2E | 69 | 411 | 1 | 481 | 14.3% | 85.4% | R+71.1 |
| Precinct -Precinct 2DPrecinct 2D | 74 | 390 | 4 | 468 | 15.8% | 83.3% | R+67.5 |
| Precinct -Precinct 3GPrecinct 3G | 47 | 415 | 2 | 464 | 10.1% | 89.4% | R+79.3 |
| Precinct -Precinct 3FPrecinct 3F | 40 | 418 | 3 | 461 | 8.7% | 90.7% | R+82.0 |
| Precinct -Precinct 1A5APrecinct 1A5A | 153 | 256 | 4 | 413 | 37.0% | 62.0% | R+24.9 |
| Precinct -Precinct 1CPrecinct 1C | 27 | 244 | 5 | 276 | 9.8% | 88.4% | R+78.6 |
| Precinct -Precinct 1IPrecinct 1I | 29 | 239 | 0 | 268 | 10.8% | 89.2% | R+78.4 |
| Precinct -Precinct 2FPrecinct 2F | 20 | 147 | 0 | 167 | 12.0% | 88.0% | R+76.0 |
| Precinct -Precinct 4GPrecinct 4G | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
Presidential margin, 1904–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1904 | +52.7% |
| 1908 | +69.7% |
| 1912 | +75.4% |
| 1916 | +81.1% |
| 1920 | +62.4% |
| 1924 | +71.2% |
| 1928 | −14.3% |
| 1932 | +87.8% |
| 1936 | +89.5% |
| 1940 | +82.6% |
| 1944 | +71.7% |
| 1948 | +63.2% |
| 1952 | +16.9% |
| 1956 | +0.6% |
| 1960 | +12.3% |
| 1964 | +41.7% |
| 1968 | +11.3% |
| 1972 | −45.7% |
| 1976 | +31.8% |
| 1980 | +8.0% |
| 1984 | −25.4% |
| 1988 | −3.0% |
| 1992 | +3.4% |
| 1996 | −2.3% |
| 2000 | −27.4% |
| 2004 | −38.4% |
| 2008 | −42.0% |
| 2012 | −50.3% |
| 2016 | −58.7% |
| 2020 | −57.4% |
| 2024 | −60.9% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
Total registered voters, over time
| Year | Total registered |
|---|---|
| 2016 | 29,870 |
| 2018 | 29,654 |
| 2020 | 32,390 |
| 2022 | 32,359 |
| 2024 | 33,110 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
+123 net domestic migration · 2025
Net +1,041 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $56,244 in average income, against $70,626 for residents who stayed — 20% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+33.7 on average — 27 points more Democratic-leaning than Lamar County, TX itself (R+60.9).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Dallas County, TX95D+22.2
- Red River County, TX94R+61.7
- Collin County, TX57R+11.1
- Fannin County, TX42R+67.3
- Hunt County, TX42R+55.5
- Denton County, TX37R+13.1
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Red River County, TX88
- Dallas County, TX51
- Tarrant County, TX49
- Choctaw County, OK45
- Denton County, TX41
- Fannin County, TX39
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | −50 |
| 2012 | −287 |
| 2013 | −540 |
| 2014 | +227 |
| 2015 | −52 |
| 2016 | +33 |
| 2017 | −22 |
| 2018 | +162 |
| 2019 | +172 |
| 2021 | +358 |
| 2022 | +252 |
| 2023 | +559 |
| 2024 | +106 |
| 2025 | +123 |
Lamar County's R+60.9 margin in 2024 reflects a pattern of accelerating Republican consolidation across northeast Texas, even as its population edges below 50,000 and Paris, the county seat, contends with long-term economic stagnation.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 89.5 points in 1936 and a Republican high of 60.9 points in 2024. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 3.5 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 60.9 points.
A population of 50,669, a 71% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $61,880 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of LaSalle Parish and Marshall County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Lamar County, Texas. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/48277/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.