- Lead
- 4,177
- Total
- 6,730
- vs nation
- D+63.5
- Turnout
- 55.1%
Holmes County, MS
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 55.1% of 12,209 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 5,219
- Total
- 8,115
- vs nation
- D+59.9
- Turnout
- 62.6%
- Lead
- 5,380
- Total
- 8,076
- vs nation
- D+64.5
- Turnout
- 59.8%
- Lead
- 6,377
- Total
- 9,288
- vs nation
- D+64.8
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 6,051
- Total
- 9,543
- vs nation
- D+56.1
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 4,405
- Total
- 8,383
- vs nation
- D+55.0
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 3,510
- Total
- 7,422
- vs nation
- D+46.8
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 3,184
- Total
- 6,411
- vs nation
- D+41.1
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- D+62.1MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 16,1912024 5-year
- Median household income
- $32,5382024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 14.6%2024 5-year
- Black
- 81.0%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 0.4%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+98.7 in 1936MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+93.2 in 1964MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Noxubee County, MS · twin score 99.5
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 55.1%6,730 participants ÷ 12,209 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +28.4 ptsPresidential-dependent
- Drop-off versus state
- +0.5 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 26.7%–32.4%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 8,076 | 13,504 | 59.8% | A/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 5,702 | 13,346 | 42.7% | A/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 8,115 | 12,971 | 62.6% | C/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 4,310 | 12,624 | 34.1% | A/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 6,730 | 12,209 | 55.1% | A/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 293/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 297/138.
- 2020: numerator source 159, denominator source 157; top ticket votes; canonical-complete-contest-floor-v1; allocation share 0.0%; series 152/2.
- 2022: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 306/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 311/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
32 precincts · 6,730 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -Beat 4 LexingtonBeat 4 Lexington | 830 | 134 | 10 | 974 | 85.2% | 13.8% | D+71.5 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -Beat 5 TchulaBeat 5 Tchula | 738 | 86 | 11 | 835 | 88.4% | 10.3% | D+78.1 |
| Precinct -Beat 1 LexingtonBeat 1 Lexington | 638 | 102 | 4 | 744 | 85.8% | 13.7% | D+72.0 |
| Precinct -Beat 3 PickensBeat 3 Pickens | 491 | 65 | 4 | 560 | 87.7% | 11.6% | D+76.1 |
| Precinct -1 Acona1 Acona | 372 | 62 | 6 | 440 | 84.5% | 14.1% | D+70.5 |
| Precinct -Beat 3 GoodmanBeat 3 Goodman | 375 | 55 | 6 | 436 | 86.0% | 12.6% | D+73.4 |
| Precinct -Beat 2 DurantBeat 2 Durant | 290 | 108 | 8 | 406 | 71.4% | 26.6% | D+44.8 |
| Precinct -Beat 5 Lexington (A-Z)Beat 5 Lexington (A-Z) | 248 | 142 | 1 | 391 | 63.4% | 36.3% | D+27.1 |
| Precinct -Beat 2 Sub DurantBeat 2 Sub Durant | 326 | 57 | 3 | 386 | 84.5% | 14.8% | D+69.7 |
| Precinct -Beat 2 WestBeat 2 West | 235 | 120 | 2 | 357 | 65.8% | 33.6% | D+32.2 |
| Precinct -Beat 3 Ebenezer (A-Z)Beat 3 Ebenezer (A-Z) | 174 | 65 | 2 | 241 | 72.2% | 27.0% | D+45.2 |
| Precinct -Beat 4 Thornton (A-Z)Beat 4 Thornton (A-Z) | 204 | 32 | 3 | 239 | 85.4% | 13.4% | D+72.0 |
| Precinct -Beat 5 Cruger (A-Z)Beat 5 Cruger (A-Z) | 165 | 58 | 0 | 223 | 74.0% | 26.0% | D+48.0 |
| Precinct -1 Durant St Anderson1 Durant St Anderson | 163 | 23 | 5 | 191 | 85.3% | 12.0% | D+73.3 |
| Precinct -Beat 3 Coxburg (A-Z)Beat 3 Coxburg (A-Z) | 43 | 120 | 0 | 163 | 26.4% | 73.6% | R+47.2 |
| Precinct -Beat 4 Walden Chapel (A-Z)Beat 4 Walden Chapel (A-Z) | 128 | 14 | 2 | 144 | 88.9% | 9.7% | D+79.2 |
| Acona Voting District28_28051102 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Beat 4 Walden Chapel Voting District28_28051403 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Coxburg Voting District28_28051301 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Cruger Voting District28_28051501 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Durant Voting District28_28051202 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Ebenezer Voting District28_28051302 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Goodman Voting District28_28051304 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Lexington Beat 1 Voting District28_28051101 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Lexington Beat 4 Voting District28_28051402 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Lexington Beat 5 Voting District28_28051503 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Lexington East Voting District28_28051103 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Pickens Voting District28_28051303 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Sandhill Voting District28_28051104 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Tchula Voting District28_28051502 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Thornton Voting District28_28051401 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| West Voting District28_28051201 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
Presidential margin, 1892–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1892 | +71.7% |
| 1896 | +85.5% |
| 1900 | +90.3% |
| 1904 | +86.0% |
| 1908 | +91.0% |
| 1912 | +94.8% |
| 1916 | +94.9% |
| 1920 | +84.7% |
| 1924 | +85.5% |
| 1928 | +87.5% |
| 1932 | +94.7% |
| 1936 | +98.7% |
| 1940 | +96.4% |
| 1944 | +88.2% |
| 1948 | +1.7% |
| 1952 | +4.3% |
| 1956 | +30.7% |
| 1960 | +6.7% |
| 1964 | −93.2% |
| 1968 | +45.4% |
| 1972 | +4.5% |
| 1976 | +30.2% |
| 1980 | +33.2% |
| 1984 | +29.0% |
| 1988 | +32.2% |
| 1992 | +39.9% |
| 1996 | +49.7% |
| 2000 | +47.3% |
| 2004 | +52.5% |
| 2008 | +63.4% |
| 2012 | +68.7% |
| 2016 | +66.6% |
| 2020 | +64.3% |
| 2024 | +62.1% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
Total registered voters, over time
| Year | Total registered |
|---|---|
| 2016 | 13,394 |
| 2018 | 13,679 |
| 2020 | 13,763 |
| 2022 | 13,076 |
| 2024 | 13,100 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
−141 net domestic migration · 2025
Net −4,001 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $30,966 in average income, against $36,909 for residents who stayed — 16% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean D+7.3 on average — 55 points more Republican-leaning than Holmes County, MS itself (D+62.1).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Hinds County, MS35D+46.1
- Attala County, MS25R+23.3
- Madison County, MS24R+17.3
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Madison County, MS66
- Hinds County, MS53
- Attala County, MS45
- Leflore County, MS27
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | −411 |
| 2012 | −253 |
| 2013 | −176 |
| 2014 | −344 |
| 2015 | −184 |
| 2016 | −386 |
| 2017 | −179 |
| 2018 | −423 |
| 2019 | −431 |
| 2021 | −298 |
| 2022 | −310 |
| 2023 | −267 |
| 2024 | −198 |
| 2025 | −141 |
Holmes County, anchored by the Delta town of Lexington, posts presidential margins exceeding 60 points Democratic — driven by a population that is roughly 80% Black, a demographic legacy of the Delta's plantation-era labor geography.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 98.7 points in 1936 and a Republican high of 93.2 points in 1964. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 2.2 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 62.1 points.
A population of 16,191, a 15% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $32,538 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Noxubee County and Perry County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Holmes County, Mississippi. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/28051/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.