- Lead
- 6,920
- Total
- 14,957
- vs nation
- R+44.8
- Turnout
- 53.1%
Escambia County, AL
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 53.1% of 28,243 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 5,951
- Total
- 15,910
- vs nation
- R+41.9
- Turnout
- 56.1%
- Lead
- 5,330
- Total
- 14,728
- vs nation
- R+38.3
- Turnout
- 51.0%
- Lead
- 3,798
- Total
- 14,869
- vs nation
- R+29.4
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 4,187
- Total
- 14,674
- vs nation
- R+35.8
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 4,699
- Total
- 12,395
- vs nation
- R+35.5
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 2,452
- Total
- 11,660
- vs nation
- R+21.5
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 563
- Total
- 11,104
- vs nation
- R+13.6
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- R+46.3MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 36,6292024 5-year
- Median household income
- $48,2252024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 60.0%2024 5-year
- Black
- 29.4%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 2.4%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+90.3 in 1940MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+74.5 in 1964MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Lincoln County, MS · twin score 90.9
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 53.1%15,009 participants ÷ 28,243 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +21.7 ptsPresidential-dependent
- Drop-off versus state
- -3.9 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 31.5%–37.8%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 14,962 | 29,331 | 51.0% | A/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 12,152 | 28,875 | 42.1% | C/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 15,956 | 28,449 | 56.1% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 9,773 | 28,396 | 34.4% | C/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 15,009 | 28,243 | 53.1% | A/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 293/111.
- 2018: numerator source 159, denominator source 157; top ticket votes; canonical-complete-contest-floor-v1; allocation share 0.0%; series 150/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 159, denominator source 157; top ticket votes; canonical-complete-contest-floor-v1; allocation share 0.0%; series 154/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 311/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
29 precincts · 14,954 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -BREWTON CIVIC CTR_BREWTON CIVIC CTR_ | 883 | 1,713 | 35 | 2,631 | 33.6% | 65.1% | R+31.5 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -ATMORE PUBLIC LIBRARYATMORE PUBLIC LIBRARY | 370 | 831 | 11 | 1,212 | 30.5% | 68.6% | R+38.0 |
| Precinct -NEW ORDER BAPT_NEW ORDER BAPT_ | 600 | 487 | 1 | 1,088 | 55.1% | 44.8% | D+10.4 |
| Precinct -EAST BREWTON SAILSEAST BREWTON SAILS | 324 | 734 | 6 | 1,064 | 30.5% | 69.0% | R+38.5 |
| Precinct -CATAWBA SPRINGSCATAWBA SPRINGS | 39 | 741 | 4 | 784 | 5.0% | 94.5% | R+89.5 |
| Precinct -FIRST UNITED METHODISTFIRST UNITED METHODIST | 156 | 511 | 6 | 673 | 23.2% | 75.9% | R+52.7 |
| Precinct -ATMORE CITY HALLATMORE CITY HALL | 568 | 34 | 0 | 602 | 94.4% | 5.6% | D+88.7 |
| Precinct -APPLETON VFDAPPLETON VFD | 26 | 569 | 2 | 597 | 4.4% | 95.3% | R+91.0 |
| Precinct -NOKOMIS V_H_NOKOMIS V_H_ | 74 | 447 | 3 | 524 | 14.1% | 85.3% | R+71.2 |
| Precinct -FLOMATON TOWN HALLFLOMATON TOWN HALL | 62 | 439 | 5 | 506 | 12.3% | 86.8% | R+74.5 |
| Precinct -FLOMATON COMM_FLOMATON COMM_ | 95 | 362 | 3 | 460 | 20.7% | 78.7% | R+58.0 |
| Precinct -POARCH (OLD SCHL HOUSE)POARCH (OLD SCHL HOUSE) | 113 | 339 | 2 | 454 | 24.9% | 74.7% | R+49.8 |
| Precinct -OSAKA CHURCHOSAKA CHURCH | 21 | 406 | 0 | 427 | 4.9% | 95.1% | R+90.2 |
| Precinct -RIVERVIEW TOWN HALLRIVERVIEW TOWN HALL | 23 | 388 | 2 | 413 | 5.6% | 93.9% | R+88.4 |
| Precinct -CANOE CIVIC CLUBCANOE CIVIC CLUB | 41 | 366 | 0 | 407 | 10.1% | 89.9% | R+79.9 |
| Precinct -ALCO JD MUSEUMALCO JD MUSEUM | 145 | 210 | 2 | 357 | 40.6% | 58.8% | R+18.2 |
| Precinct -POLLARD TOWN HALLPOLLARD TOWN HALL | 39 | 303 | 8 | 350 | 11.1% | 86.6% | R+75.4 |
| Precinct -MCCULLOUGH VFDMCCULLOUGH VFD | 57 | 287 | 2 | 346 | 16.5% | 82.9% | R+66.5 |
| Precinct -DAMASCUS BOYKINDAMASCUS BOYKIN | 112 | 198 | 2 | 312 | 35.9% | 63.5% | R+27.6 |
| Precinct -HUXFORD MASONICHUXFORD MASONIC | 7 | 300 | 5 | 312 | 2.2% | 96.2% | R+93.9 |
| Precinct -ROCK HILL RIDGE VFDROCK HILL RIDGE VFD | 48 | 258 | 1 | 307 | 15.6% | 84.0% | R+68.4 |
| Precinct -PINEVIEW V_H_PINEVIEW V_H_ | 19 | 274 | 4 | 297 | 6.4% | 92.3% | R+85.9 |
| Precinct -CO HWY DEPTCO HWY DEPT | 117 | 105 | 1 | 223 | 52.5% | 47.1% | D+5.4 |
| Precinct -LITTLE ROCK VFDLITTLE ROCK VFD | 9 | 141 | 0 | 150 | 6.0% | 94.0% | R+88.0 |
| Precinct -BARNETTS CROSSROADSBARNETTS CROSSROADS | 2 | 138 | 0 | 140 | 1.4% | 98.6% | R+97.1 |
| Precinct -WALLACE METHODISTWALLACE METHODIST | 9 | 91 | 0 | 100 | 9.0% | 91.0% | R+82.0 |
| Precinct -BETHEL ROBERTSBETHEL ROBERTS | 4 | 86 | 1 | 91 | 4.4% | 94.5% | R+90.1 |
| Precinct -BRADLEY VFDBRADLEY VFD | 0 | 73 | 0 | 73 | 0.0% | 100.0% | R+100.0 |
| Precinct -DIXIE VFDDIXIE VFD | 1 | 53 | 0 | 54 | 1.9% | 98.1% | R+96.3 |
Presidential margin, 1876–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1876 | +59.7% |
| 1880 | +47.1% |
| 1884 | +29.6% |
| 1888 | +17.7% |
| 1892 | +60.9% |
| 1896 | +28.8% |
| 1900 | +16.0% |
| 1904 | +75.7% |
| 1908 | +66.7% |
| 1912 | +80.3% |
| 1916 | +80.0% |
| 1920 | +78.0% |
| 1924 | +75.0% |
| 1928 | −23.9% |
| 1932 | +85.5% |
| 1936 | +85.8% |
| 1940 | +90.3% |
| 1944 | +76.9% |
| 1948 | −10.0% |
| 1952 | +48.0% |
| 1956 | +36.0% |
| 1960 | +36.9% |
| 1964 | −74.5% |
| 1968 | +7.5% |
| 1972 | −65.5% |
| 1976 | +9.2% |
| 1980 | −11.3% |
| 1984 | −38.0% |
| 1988 | −25.4% |
| 1992 | −8.9% |
| 1996 | −5.1% |
| 2000 | −21.0% |
| 2004 | −37.9% |
| 2008 | −28.5% |
| 2012 | −25.5% |
| 2016 | −36.2% |
| 2020 | −37.4% |
| 2024 | −46.3% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
Total registered voters, over time
| Year | Total registered |
|---|---|
| 2018 | 25,690 |
| 2020 | 27,240 |
| 2022 | 26,854 |
| 2024 | 28,277 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
+142 net domestic migration · 2025
Net −698 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $46,052 in average income, against $59,457 for residents who stayed — 23% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+33.2 on average — 13 points more Democratic-leaning than Escambia County, AL itself (R+46.3).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Escambia County, FL110R+19.5
- Baldwin County, AL91R+58.0
- Santa Rosa County, FL58R+50.9
- Mobile County, AL42R+16.4
- Conecuh County, AL37R+13.9
- Monroe County, AL36R+23.1
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Escambia County, FL109
- Baldwin County, AL99
- Santa Rosa County, FL49
- Monroe County, AL45
- Mobile County, AL44
- Conecuh County, AL35
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | −186 |
| 2012 | −139 |
| 2013 | −258 |
| 2014 | −1 |
| 2015 | +2 |
| 2016 | −119 |
| 2017 | −456 |
| 2018 | −418 |
| 2019 | +166 |
| 2021 | +129 |
| 2022 | +204 |
| 2023 | +84 |
| 2024 | +152 |
| 2025 | +142 |
Escambia sits in southwest Alabama's piney woods, where a sparse, majority-white rural population has delivered Republican presidential margins above 40 points in consecutive cycles, reflecting a broader realignment across the Deep South's non-metro counties.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 90.3 points in 1940 and a Republican high of 74.5 points in 1964. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 8.9 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 46.3 points.
A population of 36,629, a 60% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $48,225 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Lincoln County and Simpson County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Escambia County, Alabama. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/01053/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.