- Lead
- 8,289
- Total
- 13,629
- vs nation
- R+59.3
- Turnout
- 75.0%
Llano County, TX
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 75.0% of 18,295 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 7,614
- Total
- 12,660
- vs nation
- R+64.6
- Turnout
- 71.9%
- Lead
- 6,474
- Total
- 10,447
- vs nation
- R+64.1
- Turnout
- 65.7%
- Lead
- 5,788
- Total
- 9,558
- vs nation
- R+64.4
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 5,031
- Total
- 9,629
- vs nation
- R+59.5
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 4,984
- Total
- 9,563
- vs nation
- R+49.7
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 4,152
- Total
- 8,627
- vs nation
- R+48.6
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 1,657
- Total
- 7,737
- vs nation
- R+29.9
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- R+60.8MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 22,4242024 5-year
- Median household income
- $67,5302024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 82.1%2024 5-year
- Black
- 0.3%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 13.4%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+84.8 in 1936MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+62.0 in 2016MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Gilmer County, GA · twin score 93.1
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 75.0%13,728 participants ÷ 18,295 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +9.4 ptsHigh-turnout, durable
- Drop-off versus state
- -9.6 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 65.6%–67.6%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 10,667 | 16,235 | 65.7% | A/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 10,276 | 17,029 | 60.3% | A/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 12,740 | 17,728 | 71.9% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 11,067 | 17,730 | 62.4% | A/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 13,728 | 18,295 | 75.0% | A/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 293/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 297/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 306/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 311/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
9 precincts · 13,629 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -Precinct 410Precinct 410 | 595 | 2,644 | 30 | 3,269 | 18.2% | 80.9% | R+62.7 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -Precinct 109Precinct 109 | 650 | 2,581 | 27 | 3,258 | 20.0% | 79.2% | R+59.3 |
| Precinct -Precinct 307Precinct 307 | 431 | 1,789 | 17 | 2,237 | 19.3% | 80.0% | R+60.7 |
| Precinct -Precinct 203Precinct 203 | 331 | 1,572 | 14 | 1,917 | 17.3% | 82.0% | R+64.7 |
| Precinct -Precinct 108Precinct 108 | 215 | 615 | 7 | 837 | 25.7% | 73.5% | R+47.8 |
| Precinct -Precinct 204Precinct 204 | 113 | 572 | 5 | 690 | 16.4% | 82.9% | R+66.5 |
| Precinct -Precinct 102Precinct 102 | 143 | 442 | 7 | 592 | 24.2% | 74.7% | R+50.5 |
| Precinct -Precinct 205Precinct 205 | 94 | 470 | 6 | 570 | 16.5% | 82.5% | R+66.0 |
| Precinct -Precinct 101Precinct 101 | 41 | 217 | 1 | 259 | 15.8% | 83.8% | R+68.0 |
Presidential margin, 1908–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1908 | +59.6% |
| 1912 | +73.9% |
| 1916 | +79.2% |
| 1920 | +44.0% |
| 1924 | +78.0% |
| 1928 | +7.9% |
| 1932 | +83.8% |
| 1936 | +84.8% |
| 1940 | +72.1% |
| 1944 | +65.1% |
| 1948 | +67.4% |
| 1952 | +13.5% |
| 1956 | +21.2% |
| 1960 | +23.2% |
| 1964 | +45.0% |
| 1968 | +7.2% |
| 1972 | −47.5% |
| 1976 | +9.6% |
| 1980 | −14.4% |
| 1984 | −36.1% |
| 1988 | −14.9% |
| 1992 | −8.9% |
| 1996 | −21.4% |
| 2000 | −48.1% |
| 2004 | −52.1% |
| 2008 | −52.2% |
| 2012 | −60.6% |
| 2016 | −62.0% |
| 2020 | −60.1% |
| 2024 | −60.8% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
Total registered voters, over time
| Year | Total registered |
|---|---|
| 2016 | 14,279 |
| 2018 | 15,744 |
| 2020 | 16,688 |
| 2022 | 17,557 |
| 2024 | 18,455 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
+236 net domestic migration · 2025
Net +6,468 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $144,319 in average income, against $113,550 for residents who stayed — 27% higher. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+24.1 on average — 37 points more Democratic-leaning than Llano County, TX itself (R+60.8).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Burnet County, TX293R+55.7
- Travis County, TX93D+39.3
- Williamson County, TX65R+2.4
- Bexar County, TX34D+9.7
- Harris County, TX27D+5.5
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Burnet County, TX158
- Travis County, TX58
- Williamson County, TX45
- Bexar County, TX33
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | −113 |
| 2012 | +303 |
| 2013 | +392 |
| 2014 | +266 |
| 2015 | +539 |
| 2016 | +640 |
| 2017 | +738 |
| 2018 | +601 |
| 2019 | +383 |
| 2021 | +1,060 |
| 2022 | +677 |
| 2023 | +338 |
| 2024 | +408 |
| 2025 | +236 |
Llano County, anchored by a small ranching and retirement community on the Llano River, delivered roughly 80% of its 2024 presidential vote to the Republican nominee — a margin consistent with its decade-long pattern as one of the state's most reliably one-sided counties.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 84.8 points in 1936 and a Republican high of 62.0 points in 2016. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 0.7 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 60.8 points.
A population of 22,424, a 82% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $67,530 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Gilmer County and Towns County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Llano County, Texas. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/48299/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.