- Lead
- 3,660
- Total
- 5,311
- vs nation
- R+67.4
- Turnout
- 68.6%
Franklin County, TX
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 68.6% of 7,784 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 3,357
- Total
- 5,009
- vs nation
- R+71.5
- Turnout
- 65.4%
- Lead
- 2,920
- Total
- 4,380
- vs nation
- R+68.8
- Turnout
- 63.2%
- Lead
- 2,695
- Total
- 4,257
- vs nation
- R+67.2
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 2,356
- Total
- 4,491
- vs nation
- R+59.7
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 2,174
- Total
- 4,217
- vs nation
- R+49.1
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 1,402
- Total
- 3,472
- vs nation
- R+40.9
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 91
- Total
- 3,452
- vs nation
- R+11.2
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- R+68.9MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 10,6322024 5-year
- Median household income
- $72,3602024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 77.0%2024 5-year
- Black
- 5.4%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 14.7%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+91.7 in 1912MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+68.9 in 2024MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Hamilton County, TX · twin score 94.2
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 68.6%5,336 participants ÷ 7,784 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +13.6 ptsVolatile
- Drop-off versus state
- -5.5 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 55.0%–56.9%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 4,716 | 7,459 | 63.2% | A/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 4,026 | 7,531 | 53.5% | A/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 5,032 | 7,700 | 65.4% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 3,931 | 7,596 | 51.8% | A/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 5,336 | 7,784 | 68.6% | A/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 293/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 297/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 306/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 311/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
8 precincts · 5,311 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -Precinct 401Precinct 401 | 165 | 840 | 5 | 1,010 | 16.3% | 83.2% | R+66.8 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -Precinct 101Precinct 101 | 120 | 808 | 5 | 933 | 12.9% | 86.6% | R+73.7 |
| Precinct -Precinct 402Precinct 402 | 95 | 585 | 3 | 683 | 13.9% | 85.7% | R+71.7 |
| Precinct -Precinct 202Precinct 202 | 159 | 502 | 6 | 667 | 23.8% | 75.3% | R+51.4 |
| Precinct -Precinct 301Precinct 301 | 83 | 495 | 1 | 579 | 14.3% | 85.5% | R+71.2 |
| Precinct -Precinct 302Precinct 302 | 86 | 485 | 2 | 573 | 15.0% | 84.6% | R+69.6 |
| Precinct -Precinct 201Precinct 201 | 64 | 380 | 1 | 445 | 14.4% | 85.4% | R+71.0 |
| Precinct -Precinct 102Precinct 102 | 41 | 378 | 2 | 421 | 9.7% | 89.8% | R+80.0 |
Presidential margin, 1904–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1904 | +71.7% |
| 1908 | +78.3% |
| 1912 | +91.7% |
| 1916 | +78.9% |
| 1920 | No data |
| 1924 | +77.8% |
| 1928 | +29.8% |
| 1932 | +91.7% |
| 1936 | +82.1% |
| 1940 | +79.6% |
| 1944 | +74.3% |
| 1948 | +71.4% |
| 1952 | +41.3% |
| 1956 | +32.1% |
| 1960 | +29.8% |
| 1964 | +56.4% |
| 1968 | +26.1% |
| 1972 | −31.9% |
| 1976 | +36.5% |
| 1980 | +14.5% |
| 1984 | −24.8% |
| 1988 | +0.5% |
| 1992 | +8.4% |
| 1996 | −2.6% |
| 2000 | −40.4% |
| 2004 | −51.6% |
| 2008 | −52.5% |
| 2012 | −63.3% |
| 2016 | −66.7% |
| 2020 | −67.0% |
| 2024 | −68.9% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
Total registered voters, over time
| Year | Total registered |
|---|---|
| 2016 | 6,798 |
| 2018 | 6,807 |
| 2020 | 7,061 |
| 2022 | 7,228 |
| 2024 | 7,599 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
+168 net domestic migration · 2025
Net +866 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $64,680 in average income, against $74,044 for residents who stayed — 13% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+46.9 on average — 22 points more Democratic-leaning than Franklin County, TX itself (R+68.9).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Wood County, TX56R+69.7
- Titus County, TX44R+54.7
- Hopkins County, TX39R+64.6
- Collin County, TX22R+11.1
- Dallas County, TX22D+22.2
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Wood County, TX57
- Titus County, TX48
- Hopkins County, TX30
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | −63 |
| 2012 | +83 |
| 2013 | −11 |
| 2014 | −40 |
| 2015 | +57 |
| 2016 | +70 |
| 2017 | +118 |
| 2018 | −2 |
| 2019 | −32 |
| 2021 | +146 |
| 2022 | +166 |
| 2023 | +70 |
| 2024 | +136 |
| 2025 | +168 |
Franklin County's 2024 presidential margin of R+68.9 reflects a pattern common to rural East Texas: a small, stable population with voting returns that have grown more lopsided in each successive cycle.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 91.7 points in 1912 and a Republican high of 68.9 points in 2024. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 1.9 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 68.9 points.
A population of 10,632, a 77% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $72,360 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Hamilton County and Somervell County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Franklin County, Texas. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/48159/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.