- Lead
- 7,692
- Total
- 28,441
- vs nation
- R+25.6
- Turnout
- 69.3%
Somerset County, ME
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 69.3% of 41,254 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 6,445
- Total
- 27,873
- vs nation
- R+27.6
- Turnout
- 68.1%
- Lead
- 5,909
- Total
- 26,064
- vs nation
- R+24.8
- Turnout
- 65.5%
- Lead
- 416
- Total
- 24,787
- vs nation
- R+2.2
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 1,468
- Total
- 25,758
- vs nation
- R+1.6
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 602
- Total
- 27,108
- vs nation
- D+4.7
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 854
- Total
- 23,951
- vs nation
- D+3.0
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 5,526
- Total
- 23,111
- vs nation
- D+15.4
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- R+27.0MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 50,9592024 5-year
- Median household income
- $58,1792024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 93.8%2024 5-year
- Black
- 0.5%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 1.5%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+40.3 in 1964MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+54.2 in 1924MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Oxford County, ME · twin score 96.6
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 69.3%28,569 participants ÷ 41,254 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +12.3 ptsVolatile
- Drop-off versus state
- -2.4 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 56.4%–56.9%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 26,683 | 40,717 | 65.5% | B/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 21,129 | 40,489 | 52.2% | B/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 27,658 | 40,605 | 68.1% | B/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 22,816 | 40,908 | 55.8% | C/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 28,569 | 41,254 | 69.3% | B/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:aggregated; allocation share 0.0%; series 292/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:aggregated; allocation share 0.0%; series 296/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:aggregated; allocation share 0.0%; series 300/2.
- 2022: numerator source 159, denominator source 157; top ticket votes; canonical-complete-contest-floor-v1; allocation share 0.0%; series 154/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:aggregated; allocation share 0.0%; series 310/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
34 precincts · 28,441 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct 252802302525280 | 1,832 | 2,413 | 64 | 4,309 | 42.5% | 56.0% | R+13.5 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct 251202302525120 | 1,434 | 1,961 | 63 | 3,458 | 41.5% | 56.7% | R+15.2 |
| Precinct 251702302525170 | 899 | 1,512 | 45 | 2,456 | 36.6% | 61.6% | R+25.0 |
| Precinct 252402302525240 | 768 | 1,254 | 38 | 2,060 | 37.3% | 60.9% | R+23.6 |
| Precinct 252202302525220 | 708 | 1,194 | 29 | 1,931 | 36.7% | 61.8% | R+25.2 |
| Precinct 250102302525010 | 386 | 903 | 21 | 1,310 | 29.5% | 68.9% | R+39.5 |
| Precinct 250602302525060 | 405 | 799 | 23 | 1,227 | 33.0% | 65.1% | R+32.1 |
| Precinct 252702302525270 | 327 | 878 | 17 | 1,222 | 26.8% | 71.8% | R+45.1 |
| Precinct 252302302525230 | 322 | 849 | 12 | 1,183 | 27.2% | 71.8% | R+44.5 |
| Precinct 251402302525140 | 295 | 667 | 16 | 978 | 30.2% | 68.2% | R+38.0 |
| Precinct 250802302525080 | 285 | 538 | 17 | 840 | 33.9% | 64.0% | R+30.1 |
| Precinct 251102302525110 | 214 | 437 | 10 | 661 | 32.4% | 66.1% | R+33.7 |
| Precinct 252902302525290 | 278 | 342 | 17 | 637 | 43.6% | 53.7% | R+10.0 |
| Precinct 253002302525300 | 224 | 387 | 17 | 628 | 35.7% | 61.6% | R+26.0 |
| Precinct 250302302525030 | 169 | 392 | 10 | 571 | 29.6% | 68.7% | R+39.1 |
| Precinct 250202302525020 | 183 | 356 | 5 | 544 | 33.6% | 65.4% | R+31.8 |
| Precinct 251602302525160 | 128 | 403 | 8 | 539 | 23.7% | 74.8% | R+51.0 |
| Precinct 251302302525130 | 156 | 352 | 6 | 514 | 30.4% | 68.5% | R+38.1 |
| Precinct 252102302525210 | 198 | 307 | 8 | 513 | 38.6% | 59.8% | R+21.2 |
| Precinct 251802302525180 | 195 | 296 | 7 | 498 | 39.2% | 59.4% | R+20.3 |
| Precinct 251002302525100 | 161 | 328 | 6 | 495 | 32.5% | 66.3% | R+33.7 |
| Precinct 253102302525310 | 152 | 243 | 17 | 412 | 36.9% | 59.0% | R+22.1 |
| Precinct 252602302525260 | 103 | 210 | 5 | 318 | 32.4% | 66.0% | R+33.6 |
| Precinct 252002302525200 | 69 | 219 | 3 | 291 | 23.7% | 75.3% | R+51.5 |
| Precinct 250502302525050 | 60 | 189 | 6 | 255 | 23.5% | 74.1% | R+50.6 |
| Precinct 258442302525844 | 75 | 150 | 2 | 227 | 33.0% | 66.1% | R+33.0 |
| Precinct 251902302525190 | 27 | 97 | 0 | 124 | 21.8% | 78.2% | R+56.5 |
| Precinct 250702302525070 | 23 | 38 | 0 | 61 | 37.7% | 62.3% | R+24.6 |
| Precinct 253302302525330 | 19 | 33 | 6 | 58 | 32.8% | 56.9% | R+24.1 |
| Precinct 252502302525250 | 15 | 34 | 2 | 51 | 29.4% | 66.7% | R+37.3 |
| Precinct 250402302525040 | 17 | 25 | 1 | 43 | 39.5% | 58.1% | R+18.6 |
| Precinct 250902302525090 | 7 | 20 | 0 | 27 | 25.9% | 74.1% | R+48.1 |
| Precinct 251502302525150 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Precinct 253202302525320 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
Presidential margin, 1892–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1892 | −13.1% |
| 1896 | −38.8% |
| 1900 | −29.2% |
| 1904 | −44.4% |
| 1908 | −35.6% |
| 1912 | +17.0% |
| 1916 | −6.2% |
| 1920 | −39.2% |
| 1924 | −54.2% |
| 1928 | −42.1% |
| 1932 | −8.2% |
| 1936 | −17.1% |
| 1940 | −7.0% |
| 1944 | −14.7% |
| 1948 | −21.8% |
| 1952 | −34.1% |
| 1956 | −43.5% |
| 1960 | −18.6% |
| 1964 | +40.3% |
| 1968 | +10.4% |
| 1972 | −26.0% |
| 1976 | +3.1% |
| 1980 | −6.0% |
| 1984 | −25.8% |
| 1988 | −14.0% |
| 1992 | +9.4% |
| 1996 | +23.9% |
| 2000 | +3.6% |
| 2004 | +2.2% |
| 2008 | +5.7% |
| 2012 | +1.7% |
| 2016 | −22.7% |
| 2020 | −23.1% |
| 2024 | −27.0% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
| Year | Vote lead | Democratic | Republican | Total |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2024 | R | 42.1%11,706 | 57.9%16,098 | 27,804 |
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
By party of registration, over time
Registration leans Republican; the presidential vote runs 9.0 points more Democratic.
35,598 registered voters · 2025
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
+408 net domestic migration · 2025
Net +1,613 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $51,292 in average income, against $60,901 for residents who stayed — 16% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+0.9 on average — 26 points more Democratic-leaning than Somerset County, ME itself (R+27.0).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Kennebec County, ME406R+2.7
- Penobscot County, ME189R+10.9
- Cumberland County, ME88D+35.3
- Franklin County, ME79R+8.2
- Waldo County, ME49D+3.4
- Androscoggin County, ME43R+6.1
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Kennebec County, ME363
- Penobscot County, ME190
- Franklin County, ME69
- Cumberland County, ME66
- Waldo County, ME46
- Androscoggin County, ME37
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | −221 |
| 2012 | −78 |
| 2013 | −70 |
| 2014 | −403 |
| 2015 | −366 |
| 2016 | −24 |
| 2017 | −32 |
| 2018 | +282 |
| 2019 | +81 |
| 2021 | +489 |
| 2022 | +625 |
| 2023 | +472 |
| 2024 | +450 |
| 2025 | +408 |
Somerset's sprawling interior landscape — logging towns, potato farms, and a shrinking manufacturing base — has tracked toward increasingly lopsided Republican margins over the past decade, with 2024's R+27.1 result among the widest in the state.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 40.3 points in 1964 and a Republican high of 54.2 points in 1924. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 3.9 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 27.0 points.
A population of 50,959, a 94% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $58,179 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Oxford County and Piscataquis County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Somerset County, Maine. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/23025/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.