- Lead
- 4,536
- Total
- 8,854
- vs nation
- R+49.8
- Turnout
- 58.6%
Fulton County, IN
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 58.6% of 15,314 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 4,414
- Total
- 9,147
- vs nation
- R+52.7
- Turnout
- 62.1%
- Lead
- 4,050
- Total
- 8,437
- vs nation
- R+50.1
- Turnout
- 58.5%
- Lead
- 2,696
- Total
- 8,126
- vs nation
- R+37.0
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 1,445
- Total
- 9,006
- vs nation
- R+23.3
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 3,420
- Total
- 8,703
- vs nation
- R+36.8
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 2,258
- Total
- 8,327
- vs nation
- R+27.6
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 978
- Total
- 8,070
- vs nation
- R+20.6
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- R+51.2MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 20,3122024 5-year
- Median household income
- $61,3602024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 89.5%2024 5-year
- Black
- 0.5%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 5.5%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+13.4 in 1912MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+51.2 in 2024MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Carroll County, IN · twin score 97.7
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 58.6%8,968 participants ÷ 15,314 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +25.3 ptsPresidential-dependent
- Drop-off versus state
- +0.2 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 33.3%–48.3%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 8,856 | 15,130 | 58.5% | A/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 9,530 | 15,043 | 63.4% | A/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 9,244 | 14,895 | 62.1% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 5,596 | 15,226 | 36.8% | A/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 8,968 | 15,314 | 58.6% | A/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 293/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 297/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 306/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 311/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
34 precincts · 8,778 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -LIBERTYLIBERTY | 176 | 668 | 3 | 847 | 20.8% | 78.9% | R+58.1 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -ROCHESTER 8ROCHESTER 8 | 184 | 556 | 6 | 746 | 24.7% | 74.5% | R+49.9 |
| Precinct -ROCHESTER 5ROCHESTER 5 | 217 | 511 | 4 | 732 | 29.6% | 69.8% | R+40.2 |
| Precinct -ROCHESTER 7ROCHESTER 7 | 149 | 497 | 2 | 648 | 23.0% | 76.7% | R+53.7 |
| Precinct -UNION 16UNION 16 | 135 | 472 | 0 | 607 | 22.2% | 77.8% | R+55.5 |
| Precinct -NEW CASTLE 14NEW CASTLE 14 | 83 | 438 | 2 | 523 | 15.9% | 83.7% | R+67.9 |
| Precinct -ROCHESTER 4ROCHESTER 4 | 142 | 364 | 5 | 511 | 27.8% | 71.2% | R+43.4 |
| Precinct -ROCHESTER 3ROCHESTER 3 | 147 | 353 | 3 | 503 | 29.2% | 70.2% | R+41.0 |
| Precinct -RICHLAND 15RICHLAND 15 | 94 | 407 | 1 | 502 | 18.7% | 81.1% | R+62.4 |
| Precinct -AUBBEENAUBBEE 9AUBBEENAUBBEE 9 | 125 | 364 | 4 | 493 | 25.4% | 73.8% | R+48.5 |
| Precinct -HENRY 2HENRY 2 | 83 | 405 | 3 | 491 | 16.9% | 82.5% | R+65.6 |
| Precinct -ROCHESTER 6ROCHESTER 6 | 109 | 342 | 3 | 454 | 24.0% | 75.3% | R+51.3 |
| Precinct -ROCHESTER 1ROCHESTER 1 | 102 | 284 | 3 | 389 | 26.2% | 73.0% | R+46.8 |
| Precinct -ROCHESTER 2ROCHESTER 2 | 132 | 249 | 1 | 382 | 34.6% | 65.2% | R+30.6 |
| Precinct -HENRY 3HENRY 3 | 98 | 244 | 3 | 345 | 28.4% | 70.7% | R+42.3 |
| Precinct -HENRY 1HENRY 1 | 55 | 263 | 2 | 320 | 17.2% | 82.2% | R+65.0 |
| Precinct -WAYNE 17WAYNE 17 | 66 | 216 | 3 | 285 | 23.2% | 75.8% | R+52.6 |
| AUUBBEEBAUBEE18_1804900010 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| HENRY I18_1804900020 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| HENRY II18_1804900030 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| HENRY III18_1804900040 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| LIBERTY18_1804900050 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| NEW CASTLE18_1804900060 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| RICHLAND18_1804900070 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| ROCHESTER 118_1804900080 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| ROCHESTER 218_1804900090 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| ROCHESTER 318_1804900100 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| ROCHESTER 418_1804900110 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| ROCHESTER 518_1804900120 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| ROCHESTER 618_1804900130 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| ROCHESTER 718_1804900140 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| ROCHESTER 818_1804900150 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| UNION18_1804900160 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| WAYNE18_1804900170 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
Presidential margin, 1892–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1892 | +4.4% |
| 1896 | +1.3% |
| 1900 | +0.9% |
| 1904 | −4.4% |
| 1908 | −1.5% |
| 1912 | +13.4% |
| 1916 | −2.0% |
| 1920 | −11.9% |
| 1924 | −13.9% |
| 1928 | −23.1% |
| 1932 | +11.5% |
| 1936 | −2.4% |
| 1940 | −17.5% |
| 1944 | −23.5% |
| 1948 | −20.2% |
| 1952 | −37.6% |
| 1956 | −35.8% |
| 1960 | −32.7% |
| 1964 | −0.4% |
| 1968 | −30.5% |
| 1972 | −48.1% |
| 1976 | −18.3% |
| 1980 | −30.6% |
| 1984 | −40.9% |
| 1988 | −30.4% |
| 1992 | −16.8% |
| 1996 | −12.1% |
| 2000 | −27.1% |
| 2004 | −39.3% |
| 2008 | −16.0% |
| 2012 | −33.2% |
| 2016 | −48.0% |
| 2020 | −48.3% |
| 2024 | −51.2% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
| Year | Vote lead | Democratic | Republican | Total |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2018 | R | 35.1%2,445 | 64.9%4,521 | 6,966 |
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
Total registered voters, over time
| Year | Total registered |
|---|---|
| 2016 | 13,367 |
| 2018 | 12,742 |
| 2020 | 13,103 |
| 2022 | 13,297 |
| 2024 | 13,238 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
+120 net domestic migration · 2025
Net −1,059 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $48,856 in average income, against $69,571 for residents who stayed — 30% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+45.1 on average — 6.2 points more Democratic-leaning than Fulton County, IN itself (R+51.2).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Marshall County, IN73R+43.4
- Kosciusko County, IN67R+52.2
- Cass County, IN41R+46.2
- Miami County, IN36R+54.5
- Pulaski County, IN22R+53.7
- St. Joseph County, IN20D+1.5
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Kosciusko County, IN71
- Marshall County, IN68
- Miami County, IN45
- Cass County, IN28
- Howard County, IN23
- Starke County, IN22
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | −70 |
| 2012 | −101 |
| 2013 | −209 |
| 2014 | +33 |
| 2015 | −205 |
| 2016 | −222 |
| 2017 | −124 |
| 2018 | +61 |
| 2019 | −100 |
| 2021 | −49 |
| 2022 | +36 |
| 2023 | +23 |
| 2024 | −252 |
| 2025 | +120 |
Fulton County's economy centers on agriculture and small manufacturing, and its electorate has delivered lopsided Republican margins in every presidential race this century, with the 2024 gap exceeding 51 points.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 13.4 points in 1912 and a Republican high of 51.2 points in 2024. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 3.0 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 51.2 points.
A population of 20,312, a 90% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $61,360 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Carroll County and Rush County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Fulton County, Indiana. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/18049/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.