- Lead
- 4,782
- Total
- 9,184
- vs nation
- R+50.6
- Turnout
- 59.5%
Carroll County, IN
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 59.5% of 15,941 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 4,862
- Total
- 9,495
- vs nation
- R+55.7
- Turnout
- 62.5%
- Lead
- 4,382
- Total
- 8,700
- vs nation
- R+52.5
- Turnout
- 59.1%
- Lead
- 2,364
- Total
- 7,810
- vs nation
- R+34.1
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 1,122
- Total
- 8,736
- vs nation
- R+20.1
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 3,179
- Total
- 8,638
- vs nation
- R+34.3
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 2,137
- Total
- 8,268
- vs nation
- R+26.4
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 1,315
- Total
- 8,031
- vs nation
- R+24.9
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- R+52.1MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 20,5352024 5-year
- Median household income
- $65,6452024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 92.5%2024 5-year
- Black
- 0.3%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 4.6%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+16.5 in 1912MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+52.1 in 2024MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Clay County, IN · twin score 98.0
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 59.5%9,482 participants ÷ 15,941 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +22.2 ptsPresidential-dependent
- Drop-off versus state
- -3.0 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 37.3%–50.5%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 8,915 | 15,092 | 59.1% | A/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 9,589 | 15,179 | 63.2% | A/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 9,647 | 15,442 | 62.5% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 6,340 | 15,725 | 40.3% | A/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 9,482 | 15,941 | 59.5% | A/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 293/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 297/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 306/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 311/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
38 precincts · 9,212 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -BURLINGTONBURLINGTON | 131 | 733 | 11 | 875 | 15.0% | 83.8% | R+68.8 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -DEER CREEK IDEER CREEK I | 157 | 575 | 17 | 749 | 21.0% | 76.8% | R+55.8 |
| Precinct -JEFFERSON IJEFFERSON I | 203 | 525 | 7 | 735 | 27.6% | 71.4% | R+43.8 |
| Precinct -MONROE IIMONROE II | 151 | 485 | 9 | 645 | 23.4% | 75.2% | R+51.8 |
| Precinct -TIPPECANOE ITIPPECANOE I | 162 | 441 | 13 | 616 | 26.3% | 71.6% | R+45.3 |
| Precinct -JACKSONJACKSON | 113 | 456 | 13 | 582 | 19.4% | 78.4% | R+58.9 |
| Precinct -DEER CREEK IIIDEER CREEK III | 170 | 370 | 16 | 556 | 30.6% | 66.5% | R+36.0 |
| Precinct -DEER CREEK VDEER CREEK V | 184 | 356 | 16 | 556 | 33.1% | 64.0% | R+30.9 |
| Precinct -TIPPECANOE IITIPPECANOE II | 163 | 368 | 4 | 535 | 30.5% | 68.8% | R+38.3 |
| Precinct -CLAYCLAY | 101 | 402 | 12 | 515 | 19.6% | 78.1% | R+58.4 |
| Precinct -MONROE IMONROE I | 96 | 395 | 21 | 512 | 18.8% | 77.1% | R+58.4 |
| Precinct -JEFFERSON IIJEFFERSON II | 111 | 336 | 15 | 462 | 24.0% | 72.7% | R+48.7 |
| Precinct -DEMOCRATDEMOCRAT | 94 | 353 | 7 | 454 | 20.7% | 77.8% | R+57.0 |
| Precinct -CARROLLTONCARROLLTON | 55 | 268 | 4 | 327 | 16.8% | 82.0% | R+65.1 |
| Precinct -WASHINGTONWASHINGTON | 52 | 212 | 4 | 268 | 19.4% | 79.1% | R+59.7 |
| Precinct -ADAMSADAMS | 49 | 180 | 11 | 240 | 20.4% | 75.0% | R+54.6 |
| Precinct -LIBERTYLIBERTY | 39 | 165 | 5 | 209 | 18.7% | 78.9% | R+60.3 |
| Precinct -MADISONMADISON | 52 | 139 | 3 | 194 | 26.8% | 71.6% | R+44.8 |
| Precinct -ROCK CREEKROCK CREEK | 37 | 143 | 2 | 182 | 20.3% | 78.6% | R+58.2 |
| ADAMS18_1801500010 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| BURLINGTON18_1801500020 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| CARROLLTON18_1801500030 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| CLAY18_1801500040 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| DEER CREEK I18_1801500050 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| DEER CREEK III18_1801500060 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| DEER CREEK V18_1801500070 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| DEMOCRAT18_1801500080 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| JACKSON18_1801500090 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| JEFFERSON I18_1801500100 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| JEFFERSON II18_1801500110 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| LIBERTY18_1801500120 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| MADISON18_1801500130 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| MONROE I18_1801500140 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| MONROE II18_1801500150 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| ROCK CREEK18_1801500160 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| TIPPECANOE I18_1801500170 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| TIPPECANOE II18_1801500180 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| WASHINGTON18_1801500190 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
Presidential margin, 1892–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1892 | +2.6% |
| 1896 | +4.1% |
| 1900 | +1.9% |
| 1904 | −4.7% |
| 1908 | +0.8% |
| 1912 | +16.5% |
| 1916 | −1.3% |
| 1920 | −8.8% |
| 1924 | −10.4% |
| 1928 | −19.9% |
| 1932 | +11.5% |
| 1936 | +2.7% |
| 1940 | −8.6% |
| 1944 | −15.2% |
| 1948 | −8.8% |
| 1952 | −29.4% |
| 1956 | −26.8% |
| 1960 | −24.2% |
| 1964 | +10.2% |
| 1968 | −23.2% |
| 1972 | −45.1% |
| 1976 | −14.0% |
| 1980 | −26.4% |
| 1984 | −32.9% |
| 1988 | −25.5% |
| 1992 | −14.5% |
| 1996 | −16.4% |
| 2000 | −25.8% |
| 2004 | −36.8% |
| 2008 | −12.8% |
| 2012 | −30.3% |
| 2016 | −50.4% |
| 2020 | −51.2% |
| 2024 | −52.1% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
| Year | Vote lead | Democratic | Republican | Total |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2018 | R | 28.2%1,942 | 71.8%4,944 | 6,886 |
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
Total registered voters, over time
| Year | Total registered |
|---|---|
| 2016 | 14,355 |
| 2018 | 13,175 |
| 2020 | 13,872 |
| 2022 | 14,303 |
| 2024 | 14,904 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
−59 net domestic migration · 2025
Net −41 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $55,732 in average income, against $74,259 for residents who stayed — 25% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+22.3 on average — 30 points more Democratic-leaning than Carroll County, IN itself (R+52.1).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Tippecanoe County, IN186R+0.1
- White County, IN85R+45.0
- Clinton County, IN42R+48.0
- Howard County, IN37R+35.3
- Cass County, IN27R+46.2
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Tippecanoe County, IN152
- White County, IN81
- Cass County, IN42
- Clinton County, IN42
- Howard County, IN40
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | −167 |
| 2012 | +9 |
| 2013 | −54 |
| 2014 | −221 |
| 2015 | −58 |
| 2016 | +44 |
| 2017 | +63 |
| 2018 | +58 |
| 2019 | +13 |
| 2021 | +137 |
| 2022 | +17 |
| 2023 | +42 |
| 2024 | +135 |
| 2025 | −59 |
Carroll County's R+52.1 margin in 2024 reflects a broader pattern of consolidation in small agricultural counties across the Midwest, where low population density and a predominantly white, non-college workforce have tracked closely with Republican performance gains over the past decade.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 16.5 points in 1912 and a Republican high of 52.1 points in 2024. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 0.9 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 52.1 points.
A population of 20,535, a 93% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $65,645 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Clay County and Fulton County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Carroll County, Indiana. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/18015/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.