- Lead
- 2,100
- Total
- 3,319
- vs nation
- R+61.8
- Turnout
- 74.5%
Clay County, NE
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 74.5% of 4,535 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 2,216
- Total
- 3,570
- vs nation
- R+66.5
- Turnout
- 78.6%
- Lead
- 1,945
- Total
- 3,065
- vs nation
- R+65.5
- Turnout
- 68.1%
- Lead
- 1,565
- Total
- 2,947
- vs nation
- R+57.0
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 1,397
- Total
- 3,033
- vs nation
- R+53.3
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 1,800
- Total
- 3,337
- vs nation
- R+51.5
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 1,552
- Total
- 3,215
- vs nation
- R+48.8
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 1,102
- Total
- 3,311
- vs nation
- R+41.8
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- R+63.3MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 6,0952024 5-year
- Median household income
- $78,9862024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 87.1%2024 5-year
- Black
- 0.7%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 9.7%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+31.1 in 1912MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+63.5 in 2016MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Perkins County, NE · twin score 95.8
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 74.5%3,379 participants ÷ 4,535 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +14.0 ptsVolatile
- Drop-off versus state
- -7.8 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 60.5%–64.0%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 3,128 | 4,596 | 68.1% | A/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 2,801 | 4,586 | 61.1% | A/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 3,608 | 4,590 | 78.6% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 2,875 | 4,453 | 64.6% | A/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 3,379 | 4,535 | 74.5% | A/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 293/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 297/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 306/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 311/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
11 precincts · 3,310 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -SUTTON 1STSUTTON 1ST | 62 | 356 | 4 | 422 | 14.7% | 84.4% | R+69.7 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -CLAY CENTER CITYCLAY CENTER CITY | 81 | 336 | 4 | 421 | 19.2% | 79.8% | R+60.6 |
| Precinct -HARVARD CONSHARVARD CONS | 104 | 292 | 15 | 411 | 25.3% | 71.0% | R+45.7 |
| Precinct -SUTTON 2NDSUTTON 2ND | 66 | 285 | 4 | 355 | 18.6% | 80.3% | R+61.7 |
| Precinct -EDGAR CONSEDGAR CONS | 59 | 273 | 11 | 343 | 17.2% | 79.6% | R+62.4 |
| Precinct -SUTTON TWPSSUTTON TWPS | 28 | 255 | 4 | 287 | 9.8% | 88.9% | R+79.1 |
| Precinct -LEICESTER-INLANDLEICESTER-INLAND | 51 | 185 | 3 | 239 | 21.3% | 77.4% | R+56.1 |
| Precinct -LLLMLLLM | 41 | 184 | 4 | 229 | 17.9% | 80.3% | R+62.4 |
| Precinct -FAIRFIELD 2ND-SPRINGRANCH CONSFAIRFIELD 2ND-SPRINGRANCH CONS | 21 | 186 | 3 | 210 | 10.0% | 88.6% | R+78.6 |
| Precinct -FAIRFIELD 1STFAIRFIELD 1ST | 33 | 165 | 2 | 200 | 16.5% | 82.5% | R+66.0 |
| Precinct -GLENVILGLENVIL | 31 | 160 | 2 | 193 | 16.1% | 82.9% | R+66.8 |
Presidential margin, 1892–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1892 | −41.3% |
| 1896 | +0.3% |
| 1900 | −2.8% |
| 1904 | −39.8% |
| 1908 | +1.2% |
| 1912 | +31.1% |
| 1916 | +6.2% |
| 1920 | −38.5% |
| 1924 | −19.0% |
| 1928 | −39.5% |
| 1932 | +24.4% |
| 1936 | +1.3% |
| 1940 | −34.0% |
| 1944 | −37.6% |
| 1948 | −22.5% |
| 1952 | −52.3% |
| 1956 | −42.8% |
| 1960 | −38.6% |
| 1964 | +3.1% |
| 1968 | −39.2% |
| 1972 | −49.4% |
| 1976 | −23.9% |
| 1980 | −49.7% |
| 1984 | −56.2% |
| 1988 | −36.2% |
| 1992 | −28.5% |
| 1996 | −33.3% |
| 2000 | −48.3% |
| 2004 | −53.9% |
| 2008 | −46.1% |
| 2012 | −53.1% |
| 2016 | −63.5% |
| 2020 | −62.1% |
| 2024 | −63.3% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
By party of registration, over time
Registration leans Republican; the presidential vote runs 3.3 points more Democratic.
4,127 registered voters · 2026
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
+33 net domestic migration · 2025
Net −407 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $44,721 in average income, against $89,616 for residents who stayed — 50% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+41.5 on average — 22 points more Democratic-leaning than Clay County, NE itself (R+63.3).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Adams County, NE51R+41.5
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Adams County, NE54
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | −77 |
| 2012 | −71 |
| 2013 | −32 |
| 2014 | −53 |
| 2015 | −36 |
| 2016 | −169 |
| 2017 | +38 |
| 2018 | −6 |
| 2019 | −8 |
| 2021 | −32 |
| 2022 | −9 |
| 2023 | +70 |
| 2024 | −55 |
| 2025 | +33 |
Clay County's population has contracted steadily for decades as agricultural consolidation hollowed out small towns, leaving an older, rural electorate that has voted Republican by widening margins in each of the last four presidential cycles.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 31.1 points in 1912 and a Republican high of 63.5 points in 2016. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 1.2 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 63.3 points.
A population of 6,095, a 87% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $78,986 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Perkins County and Stanton County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Clay County, Nebraska. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/31035/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.