- Lead
- 3,761
- Total
- 6,608
- vs nation
- R+55.4
- Turnout
- 62.0%
Newton County, IN
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 62.0% of 10,771 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 3,433
- Total
- 6,591
- vs nation
- R+56.5
- Turnout
- 62.8%
- Lead
- 2,673
- Total
- 5,860
- vs nation
- R+47.7
- Turnout
- 55.8%
- Lead
- 1,079
- Total
- 5,672
- vs nation
- R+22.9
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 676
- Total
- 6,045
- vs nation
- R+18.5
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 1,725
- Total
- 5,848
- vs nation
- R+27.0
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 1,149
- Total
- 5,510
- vs nation
- R+21.4
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 178
- Total
- 4,810
- vs nation
- R+12.2
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- R+56.9MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 13,9222024 5-year
- Median household income
- $75,4812024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 85.6%2024 5-year
- Black
- 1.1%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 8.4%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+5.4 in 1932MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+56.9 in 2024MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Fremont County, IA · twin score 87.4
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 62.0%6,683 participants ÷ 10,771 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +24.4 ptsPresidential-dependent
- Drop-off versus state
- -0.7 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 37.6%–46.1%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 5,926 | 10,612 | 55.8% | A/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 5,116 | 10,582 | 48.3% | A/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 6,699 | 10,662 | 62.8% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 4,102 | 10,673 | 38.4% | A/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 6,683 | 10,771 | 62.0% | A/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 293/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 297/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 306/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 311/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
37 precincts · 6,601 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -LAKE 01LAKE 01 | 124 | 640 | 7 | 771 | 16.1% | 83.0% | R+66.9 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -LINCOLN 02LINCOLN 02 | 108 | 465 | 7 | 580 | 18.6% | 80.2% | R+61.6 |
| Precinct -LINCOLN 01LINCOLN 01 | 128 | 440 | 10 | 578 | 22.1% | 76.1% | R+54.0 |
| Precinct -LINCOLN 04LINCOLN 04 | 149 | 416 | 5 | 570 | 26.1% | 73.0% | R+46.8 |
| Precinct -LAKE 02LAKE 02 | 101 | 384 | 6 | 491 | 20.6% | 78.2% | R+57.6 |
| Precinct -LINCOLN 03LINCOLN 03 | 87 | 377 | 5 | 469 | 18.6% | 80.4% | R+61.8 |
| Precinct -JEFFERSON 02JEFFERSON 02 | 131 | 270 | 11 | 412 | 31.8% | 65.5% | R+33.7 |
| Precinct -BEAVER 02BEAVER 02 | 75 | 316 | 4 | 395 | 19.0% | 80.0% | R+61.0 |
| Precinct -JEFFERSON 01JEFFERSON 01 | 68 | 261 | 3 | 332 | 20.5% | 78.6% | R+58.1 |
| Precinct -BEAVER 01BEAVER 01 | 67 | 238 | 6 | 311 | 21.5% | 76.5% | R+55.0 |
| Precinct -IROQUOIS 02IROQUOIS 02 | 59 | 237 | 10 | 306 | 19.3% | 77.5% | R+58.2 |
| Precinct -GRANT 01GRANT 01 | 50 | 219 | 7 | 276 | 18.1% | 79.3% | R+61.2 |
| Precinct -IROQUOIS 01IROQUOIS 01 | 43 | 167 | 4 | 214 | 20.1% | 78.0% | R+57.9 |
| Precinct -JACKSONJACKSON | 44 | 166 | 4 | 214 | 20.6% | 77.6% | R+57.0 |
| Precinct -JEFFERSON 03JEFFERSON 03 | 45 | 133 | 2 | 180 | 25.0% | 73.9% | R+48.9 |
| Precinct -WASHINGTONWASHINGTON | 29 | 142 | 4 | 175 | 16.6% | 81.1% | R+64.6 |
| Precinct -GRANT 02GRANT 02 | 33 | 119 | 1 | 153 | 21.6% | 77.8% | R+56.2 |
| Precinct -MCCLELLANMCCLELLAN | 18 | 84 | 1 | 103 | 17.5% | 81.6% | R+64.1 |
| Precinct -COLFAXCOLFAX | 11 | 57 | 3 | 71 | 15.5% | 80.3% | R+64.8 |
| BEAVER 0118_1811100010 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| BEAVER 0218_1811100020 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| COLFAX18_1811100030 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| GRANT 0118_1811100040 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| GRANT 0218_1811100050 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| IROQUOIS 0118_1811100060 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| IROQUOIS 0218_1811100070 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| JACKSON18_1811100080 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| JEFFERSON 0118_1811100090 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| JEFFERSON 0218_1811100100 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| JEFFERSON 0318_1811100110 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| LAKE 0118_1811100120 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| LAKE 0218_1811100130 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| LINCOLN 0118_1811100140 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| LINCOLN 0218_1811100150 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| LINCOLN 0318_1811100160 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| MCCLELLAN18_1811100170 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| WASHINGTON18_1811100180 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
Presidential margin, 1892–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1892 | −13.8% |
| 1896 | −12.3% |
| 1900 | −18.4% |
| 1904 | −29.4% |
| 1908 | −15.6% |
| 1912 | +2.8% |
| 1916 | −3.4% |
| 1920 | −30.1% |
| 1924 | −26.4% |
| 1928 | −29.7% |
| 1932 | +5.4% |
| 1936 | −9.4% |
| 1940 | −25.0% |
| 1944 | −36.3% |
| 1948 | −37.8% |
| 1952 | −50.1% |
| 1956 | −49.3% |
| 1960 | −30.5% |
| 1964 | −4.4% |
| 1968 | −33.2% |
| 1972 | −50.1% |
| 1976 | −17.7% |
| 1980 | −38.2% |
| 1984 | −37.8% |
| 1988 | −30.4% |
| 1992 | −10.1% |
| 1996 | −3.7% |
| 2000 | −20.9% |
| 2004 | −29.5% |
| 2008 | −11.2% |
| 2012 | −19.0% |
| 2016 | −45.6% |
| 2020 | −52.1% |
| 2024 | −56.9% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
| Year | Vote lead | Democratic | Republican | Total |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2018 | R | 29.6%1,349 | 70.4%3,205 | 4,554 |
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
Total registered voters, over time
| Year | Total registered |
|---|---|
| 2016 | 11,444 |
| 2018 | 10,157 |
| 2020 | 10,162 |
| 2022 | 10,135 |
| 2024 | 10,207 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
+109 net domestic migration · 2025
Net +182 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $58,483 in average income, against $72,776 for residents who stayed — 20% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+14.8 on average — 42 points more Democratic-leaning than Newton County, IN itself (R+56.9).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Lake County, IN109D+5.6
- Jasper County, IN77R+54.3
- Benton County, IN25R+47.1
- Tippecanoe County, IN23R+0.1
- Porter County, IN22R+10.5
- Cook County, IL21D+41.6
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Jasper County, IN111
- Lake County, IN62
- Tippecanoe County, IN29
- Porter County, IN22
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | −118 |
| 2012 | −55 |
| 2013 | −3 |
| 2014 | +49 |
| 2015 | −80 |
| 2016 | −5 |
| 2017 | +30 |
| 2018 | −48 |
| 2019 | −14 |
| 2021 | +57 |
| 2022 | +67 |
| 2023 | +160 |
| 2024 | +33 |
| 2025 | +109 |
Newton County sits in the flat, agricultural northwest corner of Indiana, where a small and largely rural population has delivered some of the state's most lopsided federal margins over the past decade.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 5.4 points in 1932 and a Republican high of 56.9 points in 2024. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 4.8 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 56.9 points.
A population of 13,922, a 86% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $75,481 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Fremont County and Starke County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Newton County, Indiana. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/18111/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.