- Lead
- 3,557
- Total
- 6,103
- vs nation
- R+56.8
- Turnout
- 57.1%
Johnson County, IL
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 57.1% of 10,802 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 3,778
- Total
- 6,450
- vs nation
- R+63.0
- Turnout
- 69.3%
- Lead
- 3,507
- Total
- 6,089
- vs nation
- R+59.7
- Turnout
- 58.2%
- Lead
- 2,391
- Total
- 5,694
- vs nation
- R+45.8
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 2,041
- Total
- 5,901
- vs nation
- R+41.9
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 2,184
- Total
- 5,865
- vs nation
- R+34.8
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 1,357
- Total
- 5,362
- vs nation
- R+25.8
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 232
- Total
- 4,930
- vs nation
- R+13.2
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- R+58.3MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 13,3762024 5-year
- Median household income
- $62,5282024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 80.1%2024 5-year
- Black
- 7.8%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 4.5%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+3.2 in 1992MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+58.6 in 2020MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- DeKalb County, MO · twin score 90.3
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 57.1%6,164 participants ÷ 10,802 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +22.8 ptsPresidential-dependent
- Drop-off versus state
- +0.7 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 34.3%–42.9%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 6,089 | 10,458 | 58.2% | C/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 5,346 | 10,141 | 52.7% | A/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 6,930 | 10,006 | 69.3% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 4,884 | 10,504 | 46.5% | A/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 6,164 | 10,802 | 57.1% | A/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 159, denominator source 157; top ticket votes; canonical-complete-contest-floor-v1; allocation share 0.0%; series 148/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 297/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 306/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 311/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
33 precincts · 6,136 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -GOREVILLE 1-1GOREVILLE 1-1 | 176 | 720 | 17 | 913 | 19.3% | 78.9% | R+59.6 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -VIENNA 2-1VIENNA 2-1 | 118 | 408 | 9 | 535 | 22.1% | 76.3% | R+54.2 |
| Precinct -BLOOMFIELD-1BLOOMFIELD-1 | 80 | 415 | 6 | 501 | 16.0% | 82.8% | R+66.9 |
| Precinct -TUNNEL HILL-1TUNNEL HILL-1 | 130 | 362 | 7 | 499 | 26.1% | 72.5% | R+46.5 |
| Precinct -LAKE 1-1LAKE 1-1 | 137 | 333 | 6 | 476 | 28.8% | 70.0% | R+41.2 |
| Precinct -ELVIRA-1ELVIRA-1 | 68 | 319 | 1 | 388 | 17.5% | 82.2% | R+64.7 |
| Precinct -SIMPSON-1SIMPSON-1 | 62 | 309 | 12 | 383 | 16.2% | 80.7% | R+64.5 |
| Precinct -GRANTSBURG-1GRANTSBURG-1 | 51 | 304 | 6 | 361 | 14.1% | 84.2% | R+70.1 |
| Precinct -OZARK-1OZARK-1 | 38 | 291 | 6 | 335 | 11.3% | 86.9% | R+75.5 |
| Precinct -VIENNA 1-1VIENNA 1-1 | 81 | 232 | 6 | 319 | 25.4% | 72.7% | R+47.3 |
| Precinct -GOREVILLE 2-1GOREVILLE 2-1 | 52 | 234 | 5 | 291 | 17.9% | 80.4% | R+62.5 |
| Precinct -CACHE-1CACHE-1 | 46 | 238 | 3 | 287 | 16.0% | 82.9% | R+66.9 |
| Precinct -VIENNA 3-1VIENNA 3-1 | 45 | 200 | 7 | 252 | 17.9% | 79.4% | R+61.5 |
| Precinct -BURNSIDE-1BURNSIDE-1 | 47 | 195 | 1 | 243 | 19.3% | 80.2% | R+60.9 |
| Precinct -LAKE 2-1LAKE 2-1 | 87 | 137 | 5 | 229 | 38.0% | 59.8% | R+21.8 |
| Precinct -BELKNAP-1BELKNAP-1 | 22 | 101 | 1 | 124 | 17.7% | 81.5% | R+63.7 |
| BELKNAP Voting District17_17087BE01 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| BLOOMFIELD Voting District17_17087BL01 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| BURNSIDE Voting District17_17087BU01 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| CACHE Voting District17_17087CA01 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| ELVIRA Voting District17_17087EL01 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| GOREVILLE 1 Voting District17_17087GO01 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| GOREVILLE 2 Voting District17_17087GO02 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| GRANTSBURG 1 Voting District17_17087GR01 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| GRANTSBURG 2 Voting District17_17087GR02 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| LAKE 1 Voting District17_17087LA01 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| LAKE 2 Voting District17_17087LA02 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| OZARK Voting District17_17087OZ01 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| SIMPSON Voting District17_17087SI01 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| TUNNEL HILL Voting District17_17087TH01 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| VIENNA 1 Voting District17_17087VI01 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| VIENNA 2 Voting District17_17087VI02 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| VIENNA 3 Voting District17_17087VI03 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
Presidential margin, 1892–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1892 | −27.8% |
| 1896 | −17.2% |
| 1900 | −20.4% |
| 1904 | −35.7% |
| 1908 | −27.9% |
| 1912 | −2.5% |
| 1916 | −27.8% |
| 1920 | −43.8% |
| 1924 | −26.0% |
| 1928 | −42.3% |
| 1932 | −0.8% |
| 1936 | −17.2% |
| 1940 | −25.8% |
| 1944 | −36.7% |
| 1948 | −29.4% |
| 1952 | −34.6% |
| 1956 | −31.5% |
| 1960 | −32.5% |
| 1964 | −11.2% |
| 1968 | −31.8% |
| 1972 | −37.2% |
| 1976 | −5.1% |
| 1980 | −33.0% |
| 1984 | −35.0% |
| 1988 | −19.7% |
| 1992 | +3.2% |
| 1996 | −4.7% |
| 2000 | −25.3% |
| 2004 | −37.2% |
| 2008 | −34.6% |
| 2012 | −42.0% |
| 2016 | −57.6% |
| 2020 | −58.6% |
| 2024 | −58.3% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
Total registered voters, over time
| Year | Total registered |
|---|---|
| 2016 | 8,825 |
| 2018 | 9,129 |
| 2020 | 9,029 |
| 2022 | 8,118 |
| 2024 | 8,218 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
+53 net domestic migration · 2025
Net +248 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $57,253 in average income, against $69,533 for residents who stayed — 18% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+39.8 on average — 19 points more Democratic-leaning than Johnson County, IL itself (R+58.3).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Williamson County, IL67R+38.7
- Union County, IL21R+43.2
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Williamson County, IL72
- Union County, IL23
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | +244 |
| 2012 | +11 |
| 2013 | +23 |
| 2014 | +21 |
| 2015 | −85 |
| 2016 | −317 |
| 2017 | −27 |
| 2018 | +62 |
| 2019 | +38 |
| 2021 | +226 |
| 2022 | −14 |
| 2023 | +6 |
| 2024 | +7 |
| 2025 | +53 |
Tucked into the Shawnee Hills at Illinois's southern tip, Johnson County delivered a 58-point Republican presidential margin in 2024, reflecting the deep rural conservatism that defines the state's southernmost counties.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 3.2 points in 1992 and a Republican high of 58.6 points in 2020. The 2024 margin was 58.3 points.
A population of 13,376, a 80% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $62,528 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of DeKalb County and Doddridge County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Johnson County, Illinois. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/17087/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.