- Lead
- 37,309
- Total
- 92,097
- vs nation
- D+42.0
- Turnout
- 73.7%
Charles County, MD
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 73.7% of 124,907 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 36,592
- Total
- 89,498
- vs nation
- D+36.4
- Turnout
- 75.8%
- Lead
- 23,727
- Total
- 77,420
- vs nation
- D+28.6
- Turnout
- 70.3%
- Lead
- 23,596
- Total
- 75,222
- vs nation
- D+27.5
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 17,903
- Total
- 70,126
- vs nation
- D+18.3
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 912
- Total
- 58,241
- vs nation
- D+4.0
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 105
- Total
- 44,592
- vs nation
- R+0.3
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 1,542
- Total
- 35,823
- vs nation
- R+12.8
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- D+40.5MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 170,5272024 5-year
- Median household income
- $122,8162024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 32.0%2024 5-year
- Black
- 48.4%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 7.9%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+49.1 in 1912MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+36.0 in 1972MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Suffolk city, VA · twin score 94.8
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 73.7%92,097 participants ÷ 124,907 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +31.1 ptsPresidential-dependent
- Drop-off versus state
- +6.1 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 42.6%–51.3%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 78,843 | 112,198 | 70.3% | A/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 65,553 | 116,037 | 56.5% | A/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 90,430 | 119,289 | 75.8% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 55,042 | 123,068 | 44.7% | A/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 92,097 | 124,907 | 73.7% | C/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 293/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 297/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 306/183.
- 2024: numerator source 159, denominator source 157; top ticket votes; canonical-complete-contest-floor-v1; allocation share 0.0%; series 156/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
34 precincts · 92,097 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -01-00101-001 | 4,126 | 2,089 | 168 | 6,383 | 64.6% | 32.7% | D+31.9 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -06-00106-001 | 3,989 | 1,412 | 156 | 5,557 | 71.8% | 25.4% | D+46.4 |
| Precinct -06-01106-011 | 4,208 | 895 | 147 | 5,250 | 80.2% | 17.0% | D+63.1 |
| Precinct -07-00307-003 | 3,972 | 1,070 | 129 | 5,171 | 76.8% | 20.7% | D+56.1 |
| Precinct -08-00308-003 | 3,981 | 797 | 120 | 4,898 | 81.3% | 16.3% | D+65.0 |
| Precinct -06-01006-010 | 3,860 | 566 | 119 | 4,545 | 84.9% | 12.5% | D+72.5 |
| Precinct -06-00406-004 | 3,490 | 632 | 117 | 4,239 | 82.3% | 14.9% | D+67.4 |
| Precinct -01-00201-002 | 1,909 | 2,193 | 128 | 4,230 | 45.1% | 51.8% | R+6.7 |
| Precinct -06-00306-003 | 3,062 | 549 | 90 | 3,701 | 82.7% | 14.8% | D+67.9 |
| Precinct -06-00206-002 | 2,220 | 900 | 63 | 3,183 | 69.7% | 28.3% | D+41.5 |
| Precinct -08-00208-002 | 2,018 | 858 | 72 | 2,948 | 68.5% | 29.1% | D+39.3 |
| Precinct -06-01306-013 | 2,534 | 347 | 62 | 2,943 | 86.1% | 11.8% | D+74.3 |
| Precinct -06-00506-005 | 2,334 | 272 | 66 | 2,672 | 87.4% | 10.2% | D+77.2 |
| Precinct -05-00105-001 | 940 | 1,568 | 65 | 2,573 | 36.5% | 60.9% | R+24.4 |
| Precinct -06-00806-008 | 1,882 | 399 | 61 | 2,342 | 80.4% | 17.0% | D+63.3 |
| Precinct -09-00109-001 | 1,325 | 864 | 59 | 2,248 | 58.9% | 38.4% | D+20.5 |
| Precinct -06-00706-007 | 1,716 | 362 | 74 | 2,152 | 79.7% | 16.8% | D+62.9 |
| Precinct -06-00606-006 | 1,569 | 516 | 65 | 2,150 | 73.0% | 24.0% | D+49.0 |
| Precinct -08-00108-001 | 1,014 | 1,046 | 61 | 2,121 | 47.8% | 49.3% | R+1.5 |
| Precinct -10-00110-001 | 1,199 | 794 | 71 | 2,064 | 58.1% | 38.5% | D+19.6 |
| Precinct -06-01406-014 | 1,524 | 427 | 60 | 2,011 | 75.8% | 21.2% | D+54.5 |
| Precinct -04-00104-001 | 578 | 1,284 | 42 | 1,904 | 30.4% | 67.4% | R+37.1 |
| Precinct -07-00207-002 | 1,397 | 423 | 70 | 1,890 | 73.9% | 22.4% | D+51.5 |
| Precinct -09-00209-002 | 869 | 946 | 58 | 1,873 | 46.4% | 50.5% | R+4.1 |
| Precinct -03-00103-001 | 751 | 921 | 38 | 1,710 | 43.9% | 53.9% | R+9.9 |
| Precinct -04-00204-002 | 522 | 1,035 | 45 | 1,602 | 32.6% | 64.6% | R+32.0 |
| Precinct -06-00906-009 | 1,347 | 213 | 39 | 1,599 | 84.2% | 13.3% | D+70.9 |
| Precinct -06-01606-016 | 1,342 | 205 | 49 | 1,596 | 84.1% | 12.8% | D+71.2 |
| Precinct -08-00408-004 | 900 | 667 | 29 | 1,596 | 56.4% | 41.8% | D+14.6 |
| Precinct -02-00102-001 | 498 | 675 | 37 | 1,210 | 41.2% | 55.8% | R+14.6 |
| Precinct -06-01506-015 | 770 | 219 | 43 | 1,032 | 74.6% | 21.2% | D+53.4 |
| Precinct -06-01206-012 | 777 | 200 | 17 | 994 | 78.2% | 20.1% | D+58.0 |
| Precinct -07-00107-001 | 429 | 474 | 51 | 954 | 45.0% | 49.7% | R+4.7 |
| Precinct -08-00508-005 | 402 | 335 | 19 | 756 | 53.2% | 44.3% | D+8.9 |
Presidential margin, 1892–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1892 | −9.5% |
| 1896 | −21.1% |
| 1900 | No data |
| 1904 | No data |
| 1908 | No data |
| 1912 | +49.1% |
| 1916 | −0.4% |
| 1920 | −22.1% |
| 1924 | −18.5% |
| 1928 | −15.1% |
| 1932 | +14.2% |
| 1936 | −0.5% |
| 1940 | −0.4% |
| 1944 | −19.0% |
| 1948 | −17.9% |
| 1952 | −12.9% |
| 1956 | −12.8% |
| 1960 | +9.2% |
| 1964 | +30.9% |
| 1968 | −3.3% |
| 1972 | −36.0% |
| 1976 | +10.0% |
| 1980 | −13.3% |
| 1984 | −22.2% |
| 1988 | −27.5% |
| 1992 | −7.3% |
| 1996 | −4.3% |
| 2000 | +0.2% |
| 2004 | +1.6% |
| 2008 | +25.5% |
| 2012 | +31.4% |
| 2016 | +30.6% |
| 2020 | +40.9% |
| 2024 | +40.5% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
By party of registration, over time
Registration and the presidential vote track closely here — within 1.0 points.
131,197 registered voters · 2026
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
+1,644 net domestic migration · 2025
Net +13,890 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $66,653 in average income, against $90,645 for residents who stayed — 26% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean D+54.1 on average — 14 points more Democratic-leaning than Charles County, MD itself (D+40.5).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Prince George's County, MD2,187D+74.8
- District of Columbia, DC335D+83.8
- St. Mary's County, MD326R+17.0
- Fairfax County, VA235D+34.7
- Anne Arundel County, MD212D+13.8
- Montgomery County, MD193D+52.8
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Prince George's County, MD1,208
- St. Mary's County, MD462
- District of Columbia, DC205
- Anne Arundel County, MD176
- Fairfax County, VA160
- Calvert County, MD159
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | +987 |
| 2012 | +238 |
| 2013 | +984 |
| 2014 | +695 |
| 2015 | +181 |
| 2016 | +700 |
| 2017 | +1,355 |
| 2018 | +1,303 |
| 2019 | +1,043 |
| 2021 | +1,499 |
| 2022 | +669 |
| 2023 | +1,152 |
| 2024 | +1,440 |
| 2025 | +1,644 |
Charles County's transformation from a conservative rural county to one of Maryland's most Democratic—driven by suburban growth and a majority-Black population now exceeding 45%—makes it one of the clearest examples of exurban demographic realignment on the East Coast.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 49.1 points in 1912 and a Republican high of 36.0 points in 1972. The 2024 margin was 40.5 points.
A population of 170,527, a 32% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $122,816 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Suffolk city and Chesapeake city.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Charles County, Maryland. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/24017/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.