- Lead
- 5,947
- Total
- 9,992
- vs nation
- R+58.0
- Turnout
- 48.3%
Perry County, KY
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 48.3% of 20,921 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 5,773
- Total
- 10,626
- vs nation
- R+58.8
- Turnout
- 53.8%
- Lead
- 6,022
- Total
- 10,572
- vs nation
- R+59.1
- Turnout
- 49.9%
- Lead
- 5,993
- Total
- 10,241
- vs nation
- R+62.4
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 3,318
- Total
- 10,375
- vs nation
- R+39.3
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 787
- Total
- 11,655
- vs nation
- R+4.3
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 214
- Total
- 11,000
- vs nation
- D+1.4
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 2,633
- Total
- 10,323
- vs nation
- D+17.0
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- R+59.5MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 27,4992024 5-year
- Median household income
- $42,1812024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 93.7%2024 5-year
- Black
- 1.7%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 0.2%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+35.4 in 1964MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+59.5 in 2024MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Letcher County, KY · twin score 98.0
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 48.3%10,112 participants ÷ 20,921 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +17.7 ptsVolatile
- Drop-off versus state
- -2.0 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 30.6%–39.4%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 10,799 | 21,633 | 49.9% | A/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 10,247 | 20,617 | 49.7% | A/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 10,754 | 19,971 | 53.8% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 7,731 | 21,414 | 36.1% | A/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 10,112 | 20,921 | 48.3% | A/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 293/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 297/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 306/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 311/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
37 precincts · 9,992 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -A114A114 | 87 | 462 | 7 | 556 | 15.6% | 83.1% | R+67.4 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -A112A112 | 80 | 348 | 6 | 434 | 18.4% | 80.2% | R+61.8 |
| Precinct -A109A109 | 83 | 328 | 4 | 415 | 20.0% | 79.0% | R+59.0 |
| Precinct -C107C107 | 75 | 316 | 5 | 396 | 18.9% | 79.8% | R+60.9 |
| Precinct -B105B105 | 76 | 302 | 3 | 381 | 19.9% | 79.3% | R+59.3 |
| Precinct -C114C114 | 63 | 313 | 5 | 381 | 16.5% | 82.2% | R+65.6 |
| Precinct -B106B106 | 49 | 294 | 0 | 343 | 14.3% | 85.7% | R+71.4 |
| Precinct -C102C102 | 64 | 268 | 2 | 334 | 19.2% | 80.2% | R+61.1 |
| Precinct -B113B113 | 73 | 233 | 11 | 317 | 23.0% | 73.5% | R+50.5 |
| Precinct -A113A113 | 66 | 247 | 3 | 316 | 20.9% | 78.2% | R+57.3 |
| Precinct -A103A103 | 26 | 283 | 1 | 310 | 8.4% | 91.3% | R+82.9 |
| Precinct -B110B110 | 111 | 189 | 5 | 305 | 36.4% | 62.0% | R+25.6 |
| Precinct -B101B101 | 72 | 227 | 2 | 301 | 23.9% | 75.4% | R+51.5 |
| Precinct -C106C106 | 49 | 247 | 2 | 298 | 16.4% | 82.9% | R+66.4 |
| Precinct -A101A101 | 47 | 242 | 1 | 290 | 16.2% | 83.4% | R+67.2 |
| Precinct -C104C104 | 64 | 217 | 5 | 286 | 22.4% | 75.9% | R+53.5 |
| Precinct -B103B103 | 68 | 206 | 6 | 280 | 24.3% | 73.6% | R+49.3 |
| Precinct -C109C109 | 32 | 239 | 3 | 274 | 11.7% | 87.2% | R+75.5 |
| Precinct -A105A105 | 28 | 239 | 4 | 271 | 10.3% | 88.2% | R+77.9 |
| Precinct -C105C105 | 60 | 209 | 2 | 271 | 22.1% | 77.1% | R+55.0 |
| Precinct -C103C103 | 57 | 211 | 0 | 268 | 21.3% | 78.7% | R+57.5 |
| Precinct -A102A102 | 40 | 224 | 3 | 267 | 15.0% | 83.9% | R+68.9 |
| Precinct -C110C110 | 21 | 235 | 2 | 258 | 8.1% | 91.1% | R+82.9 |
| Precinct -A110A110 | 53 | 196 | 1 | 250 | 21.2% | 78.4% | R+57.2 |
| Precinct -C108C108 | 51 | 185 | 3 | 239 | 21.3% | 77.4% | R+56.1 |
| Precinct -B111B111 | 67 | 132 | 5 | 204 | 32.8% | 64.7% | R+31.9 |
| Precinct -A107A107 | 26 | 169 | 1 | 196 | 13.3% | 86.2% | R+73.0 |
| Precinct -B104B104 | 58 | 136 | 2 | 196 | 29.6% | 69.4% | R+39.8 |
| Precinct -B109B109 | 71 | 124 | 1 | 196 | 36.2% | 63.3% | R+27.0 |
| Precinct -C111C111 | 24 | 171 | 1 | 196 | 12.2% | 87.2% | R+75.0 |
| Precinct -B107B107 | 49 | 129 | 1 | 179 | 27.4% | 72.1% | R+44.7 |
| Precinct -B102B102 | 26 | 143 | 2 | 171 | 15.2% | 83.6% | R+68.4 |
| Precinct -B108B108 | 49 | 90 | 7 | 146 | 33.6% | 61.6% | R+28.1 |
| Precinct -B112B112 | 39 | 99 | 5 | 143 | 27.3% | 69.2% | R+42.0 |
| Precinct -A108A108 | 20 | 102 | 0 | 122 | 16.4% | 83.6% | R+67.2 |
| Precinct -A111A111 | 30 | 88 | 2 | 120 | 25.0% | 73.3% | R+48.3 |
| Precinct -A104A104 | 12 | 70 | 0 | 82 | 14.6% | 85.4% | R+70.7 |
Presidential margin, 1892–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1892 | −23.4% |
| 1896 | −40.4% |
| 1900 | −37.0% |
| 1904 | −38.6% |
| 1908 | −41.1% |
| 1912 | −27.3% |
| 1916 | −41.0% |
| 1920 | −32.6% |
| 1924 | −23.0% |
| 1928 | −23.0% |
| 1932 | +9.9% |
| 1936 | +19.0% |
| 1940 | +18.7% |
| 1944 | +12.1% |
| 1948 | +19.7% |
| 1952 | +3.0% |
| 1956 | −18.3% |
| 1960 | −7.3% |
| 1964 | +35.4% |
| 1968 | +6.0% |
| 1972 | −19.6% |
| 1976 | +11.9% |
| 1980 | +17.4% |
| 1984 | +0.4% |
| 1988 | +3.7% |
| 1992 | +20.6% |
| 1996 | +25.5% |
| 2000 | +1.9% |
| 2004 | −6.8% |
| 2008 | −32.0% |
| 2012 | −58.5% |
| 2016 | −57.0% |
| 2020 | −54.3% |
| 2024 | −59.5% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
By party of registration, over time
Perry County, KY registers Democratic but votes Republican — a 81-point gap between how voters register and how they vote, the signature of ancestral registration that trails realignment.
19,233 registered voters · 2024
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
−127 net domestic migration · 2025
Net −3,623 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $46,559 in average income, against $59,799 for residents who stayed — 22% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+54.4 on average — 5.1 points more Democratic-leaning than Perry County, KY itself (R+59.5).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Knott County, KY98R+59.2
- Leslie County, KY32R+80.9
- Breathitt County, KY27R+59.3
- Fayette County, KY20D+18.1
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Knott County, KY83
- Fayette County, KY37
- Breathitt County, KY34
- Laurel County, KY27
- Leslie County, KY23
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | +53 |
| 2012 | −392 |
| 2013 | −315 |
| 2014 | −401 |
| 2015 | −216 |
| 2016 | −205 |
| 2017 | −572 |
| 2018 | −299 |
| 2019 | −368 |
| 2021 | −225 |
| 2022 | −308 |
| 2023 | −110 |
| 2024 | −138 |
| 2025 | −127 |
Perry County, anchored by Hazard in the Central Appalachian coalfields, has swung decisively Republican over the past two decades as its once-dominant union-Democratic tradition gave way to cultural and economic realignment — by 2024, the margin reached nearly 60 points.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 35.4 points in 1964 and a Republican high of 59.5 points in 2024. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 5.2 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 59.5 points.
A population of 27,499, a 94% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $42,181 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Letcher County and Harlan County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Perry County, Kentucky. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/21193/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.