- Lead
- 25,341
- Total
- 55,582
- vs nation
- R+44.1
- Turnout
- 78.7%
Lincoln County, NC
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 78.7% of 71,036 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 23,067
- Total
- 50,217
- vs nation
- R+50.4
- Turnout
- 77.9%
- Lead
- 18,909
- Total
- 40,023
- vs nation
- R+49.3
- Turnout
- 67.0%
- Lead
- 14,243
- Total
- 36,775
- vs nation
- R+42.6
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 11,918
- Total
- 35,798
- vs nation
- R+40.6
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 10,618
- Total
- 29,579
- vs nation
- R+33.4
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 7,539
- Total
- 24,529
- vs nation
- R+31.3
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 3,718
- Total
- 20,850
- vs nation
- R+26.4
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- R+45.6MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 92,7162024 5-year
- Median household income
- $80,0162024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 82.0%2024 5-year
- Black
- 5.9%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 8.1%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+51.1 in 1912MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+47.2 in 2016MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Bedford County, VA · twin score 91.6
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 78.7%55,917 participants ÷ 71,036 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +23.2 ptsPresidential-dependent
- Drop-off versus state
- -0.4 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 55.6%–59.0%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 40,023 | 59,730 | 67.0% | C/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 31,454 | 61,892 | 50.8% | A/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 50,377 | 64,701 | 77.9% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 37,022 | 67,680 | 54.7% | C/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 55,917 | 71,036 | 78.7% | A/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 159, denominator source 157; top ticket votes; canonical-complete-contest-floor-v1; allocation share 0.0%; series 148/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 297/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 159, denominator source 157; top ticket votes; canonical-complete-contest-floor-v1; allocation share 0.0%; series 154/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 311/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
23 precincts · 55,582 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -WP32WP32 | 1,870 | 3,745 | 94 | 5,709 | 32.8% | 65.6% | R+32.8 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -LW31LW31 | 1,611 | 2,689 | 55 | 4,355 | 37.0% | 61.7% | R+24.8 |
| Precinct -TA37TA37 | 1,381 | 2,829 | 37 | 4,247 | 32.5% | 66.6% | R+34.1 |
| Precinct -NB35NB35 | 480 | 2,748 | 10 | 3,238 | 14.8% | 84.9% | R+70.0 |
| Precinct -DN29DN29 | 816 | 2,280 | 18 | 3,114 | 26.2% | 73.2% | R+47.0 |
| Precinct -HC33HC33 | 561 | 2,427 | 38 | 3,026 | 18.5% | 80.2% | R+61.7 |
| Precinct -ST36ST36 | 658 | 2,092 | 15 | 2,765 | 23.8% | 75.7% | R+51.9 |
| Precinct -DW28DW28 | 703 | 1,965 | 28 | 2,696 | 26.1% | 72.9% | R+46.8 |
| Precinct -DV08DV08 | 443 | 2,051 | 15 | 2,509 | 17.7% | 81.7% | R+64.1 |
| Precinct -PC22PC22 | 532 | 1,797 | 21 | 2,350 | 22.6% | 76.5% | R+53.8 |
| Precinct -IS23IS23 | 555 | 1,694 | 27 | 2,276 | 24.4% | 74.4% | R+50.0 |
| Precinct -LB34LB34 | 415 | 1,787 | 16 | 2,218 | 18.7% | 80.6% | R+61.9 |
| Precinct -AS25AS25 | 468 | 1,572 | 19 | 2,059 | 22.7% | 76.3% | R+53.6 |
| Precinct -OB21OB21 | 375 | 1,609 | 13 | 1,997 | 18.8% | 80.6% | R+61.8 |
| Precinct -BS26BS26 | 530 | 1,342 | 18 | 1,890 | 28.0% | 71.0% | R+43.0 |
| Precinct -LW18LW18 | 530 | 1,053 | 19 | 1,602 | 33.1% | 65.7% | R+32.6 |
| Precinct -CF19CF19 | 480 | 1,086 | 30 | 1,596 | 30.1% | 68.0% | R+38.0 |
| Precinct -SL24SL24 | 333 | 1,128 | 14 | 1,475 | 22.6% | 76.5% | R+53.9 |
| Precinct -IS20IS20 | 264 | 1,190 | 17 | 1,471 | 17.9% | 80.9% | R+63.0 |
| Precinct -LS12LS12 | 528 | 741 | 18 | 1,287 | 41.0% | 57.6% | R+16.6 |
| Precinct -LN11LN11 | 550 | 714 | 11 | 1,275 | 43.1% | 56.0% | R+12.9 |
| Precinct -LI14LI14 | 346 | 862 | 10 | 1,218 | 28.4% | 70.8% | R+42.4 |
| Precinct -BC13BC13 | 413 | 782 | 14 | 1,209 | 34.2% | 64.7% | R+30.5 |
Presidential margin, 1892–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1892 | +17.5% |
| 1896 | +14.2% |
| 1900 | −11.8% |
| 1904 | +13.9% |
| 1908 | +0.2% |
| 1912 | +51.1% |
| 1916 | +5.2% |
| 1920 | +3.0% |
| 1924 | +4.5% |
| 1928 | −14.9% |
| 1932 | +10.5% |
| 1936 | +22.3% |
| 1940 | +22.5% |
| 1944 | +6.2% |
| 1948 | −0.8% |
| 1952 | −7.2% |
| 1956 | −6.4% |
| 1960 | −0.6% |
| 1964 | +10.9% |
| 1968 | −16.0% |
| 1972 | −25.2% |
| 1976 | +17.1% |
| 1980 | −7.1% |
| 1984 | −35.5% |
| 1988 | −28.7% |
| 1992 | −12.8% |
| 1996 | −17.8% |
| 2000 | −30.7% |
| 2004 | −35.9% |
| 2008 | −33.3% |
| 2012 | −38.7% |
| 2016 | −47.2% |
| 2020 | −45.9% |
| 2024 | −45.6% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
By party of registration, over time
Registration leans Republican; the presidential vote runs 14 points more Democratic.
| Year | Total registered | Democratic | Republican | Unaffiliated | Other |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2008 | 48,235 | 16,872 | 20,574 | 10,769 | 20 |
| 2012 | 53,245 | 16,353 | 22,504 | 14,298 | 90 |
| 2016 | 55,853 | 14,558 | 24,225 | 16,850 | 220 |
| 2020 | 62,727 | 12,454 | 29,433 | 20,400 | 440 |
| 2022 | 66,513 | 12,237 | 31,196 | 22,634 | 446 |
| 2024 | 70,666 | 11,797 | 33,808 | 24,447 | 614 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
+997 net domestic migration · 2025
Net +18,575 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $87,534 in average income, against $96,983 for residents who stayed — 10% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+9.0 on average — 37 points more Democratic-leaning than Lincoln County, NC itself (R+45.6).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Mecklenburg County, NC692D+32.7
- Gaston County, NC535R+25.0
- Catawba County, NC385R+37.9
- Iredell County, NC154R+32.5
- Cleveland County, NC111R+34.9
- Cabarrus County, NC80R+7.7
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Catawba County, NC509
- Gaston County, NC388
- Mecklenburg County, NC338
- Cleveland County, NC100
- Iredell County, NC99
- Cabarrus County, NC57
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | +86 |
| 2012 | +339 |
| 2013 | +370 |
| 2014 | +293 |
| 2015 | +1,073 |
| 2016 | +618 |
| 2017 | +1,285 |
| 2018 | +1,487 |
| 2019 | +2,031 |
| 2021 | +2,989 |
| 2022 | +3,037 |
| 2023 | +2,426 |
| 2024 | +1,544 |
| 2025 | +997 |
Lincoln County, anchored by Lincolnton in the western Piedmont, has delivered lopsided Republican margins for over a decade, with its largely rural and small-town electorate showing little competitive movement in recent cycles.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 51.1 points in 1912 and a Republican high of 47.2 points in 2016. The 2024 margin was 45.6 points.
A population of 92,716, a 82% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $80,016 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Bedford County and Loudon County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Lincoln County, North Carolina. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/37109/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.