- Lead
- 26,529
- Total
- 50,789
- vs nation
- R+50.8
- Turnout
- 74.2%
Christian County, MO
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 74.2% of 68,744 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 23,789
- Total
- 46,925
- vs nation
- R+55.1
- Turnout
- 92.0%
- Lead
- 22,438
- Total
- 41,863
- vs nation
- R+55.7
- Turnout
- 77.0%
- Lead
- 17,660
- Total
- 37,964
- vs nation
- R+50.4
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 13,499
- Total
- 37,697
- vs nation
- R+43.1
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 13,043
- Total
- 31,348
- vs nation
- R+39.1
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 6,928
- Total
- 23,228
- vs nation
- R+30.3
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 2,850
- Total
- 18,595
- vs nation
- R+23.8
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- R+52.2MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 92,9152024 5-year
- Median household income
- $83,4372024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 90.4%2024 5-year
- Black
- 0.7%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 3.8%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+3.6 in 1932MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+59.2 in 1920MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Bradley County, TN · twin score 83.3
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 74.2%51,034 participants ÷ 68,744 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +32.9 ptsPresidential-dependent
- Drop-off versus state
- +13.8 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 41.4%–51.3%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 46,124 | 59,903 | 77.0% | A/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 39,580 | 61,829 | 64.0% | A/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 58,958 | 64,078 | 92.0% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 38,979 | 65,911 | 59.1% | A/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 51,034 | 68,744 | 74.2% | A/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 293/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 297/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 306/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 311/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
28 precincts · 50,789 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -RIVERSIDERIVERSIDE | 941 | 2,949 | 41 | 3,931 | 23.9% | 75.0% | R+51.1 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -EAST FINLEYEAST FINLEY | 892 | 2,791 | 51 | 3,734 | 23.9% | 74.7% | R+50.9 |
| Precinct -POLKPOLK | 583 | 2,169 | 23 | 2,775 | 21.0% | 78.2% | R+57.2 |
| Precinct -CASSIDY 2CASSIDY 2 | 704 | 2,037 | 27 | 2,768 | 25.4% | 73.6% | R+48.2 |
| Precinct -LINCOLN 1LINCOLN 1 | 502 | 1,794 | 22 | 2,318 | 21.7% | 77.4% | R+55.7 |
| Precinct -S GALLOWAYS GALLOWAY | 423 | 1,786 | 18 | 2,227 | 19.0% | 80.2% | R+61.2 |
| Precinct -CASSIDY 1CASSIDY 1 | 526 | 1,614 | 26 | 2,166 | 24.3% | 74.5% | R+50.2 |
| Precinct -W. BENTON/LINDENW. BENTON/LINDEN | 446 | 1,515 | 26 | 1,987 | 22.4% | 76.2% | R+53.8 |
| Precinct -SPARTASPARTA | 373 | 1,527 | 16 | 1,916 | 19.5% | 79.7% | R+60.2 |
| Precinct -ROSEDALE 1A - INSIDE CITYROSEDALE 1A - INSIDE CITY | 513 | 1,367 | 21 | 1,901 | 27.0% | 71.9% | R+44.9 |
| Precinct -LINCOLN 2LINCOLN 2 | 360 | 1,437 | 22 | 1,819 | 19.8% | 79.0% | R+59.2 |
| Precinct -MCCRACKENMCCRACKEN | 365 | 1,379 | 15 | 1,759 | 20.8% | 78.4% | R+57.6 |
| Precinct -GARDEN GROVEGARDEN GROVE | 471 | 1,246 | 28 | 1,745 | 27.0% | 71.4% | R+44.4 |
| Precinct -ROSEDALE 1B- INSIDE CITYROSEDALE 1B- INSIDE CITY | 454 | 1,227 | 17 | 1,698 | 26.7% | 72.3% | R+45.5 |
| Precinct -N GALLOWAYN GALLOWAY | 314 | 1,319 | 15 | 1,648 | 19.1% | 80.0% | R+61.0 |
| Precinct -UNION CHAPEL 2A- OUTSIDE CITYUNION CHAPEL 2A- OUTSIDE CITY | 419 | 1,200 | 17 | 1,636 | 25.6% | 73.3% | R+47.7 |
| Precinct -ROSEDALE 2 - OUTSIDE CITYROSEDALE 2 - OUTSIDE CITY | 398 | 1,151 | 24 | 1,573 | 25.3% | 73.2% | R+47.9 |
| Precinct -NORTHVIEW BNORTHVIEW B | 410 | 1,136 | 21 | 1,567 | 26.2% | 72.5% | R+46.3 |
| Precinct -NORTHVIEW ANORTHVIEW A | 414 | 1,124 | 25 | 1,563 | 26.5% | 71.9% | R+45.4 |
| Precinct -NORTHVIEW CNORTHVIEW C | 377 | 1,029 | 20 | 1,426 | 26.4% | 72.2% | R+45.7 |
| Precinct -CHADWICK/GARR./LH./SL/OF.SEN.CHADWICK/GARR./LH./SL/OF.SEN. | 221 | 1,070 | 9 | 1,300 | 17.0% | 82.3% | R+65.3 |
| Precinct -WEST FINLEY 2- OUTSIDE CITYWEST FINLEY 2- OUTSIDE CITY | 311 | 920 | 17 | 1,248 | 24.9% | 73.7% | R+48.8 |
| Precinct -UNION CHAPEL 1A- INSIDE CITYUNION CHAPEL 1A- INSIDE CITY | 324 | 899 | 13 | 1,236 | 26.2% | 72.7% | R+46.5 |
| Precinct -WEST FINLEY 1- INSIDE CITYWEST FINLEY 1- INSIDE CITY | 290 | 891 | 17 | 1,198 | 24.2% | 74.4% | R+50.2 |
| Precinct -E. BENTON/BRUNERE. BENTON/BRUNER | 200 | 914 | 10 | 1,124 | 17.8% | 81.3% | R+63.5 |
| Precinct -UNION CHAPEL 2B- OUTSIDE CITYUNION CHAPEL 2B- OUTSIDE CITY | 215 | 701 | 8 | 924 | 23.3% | 75.9% | R+52.6 |
| Precinct -N LINNN LINN | 192 | 673 | 5 | 870 | 22.1% | 77.4% | R+55.3 |
| Precinct -UNION CHAPEL 1B- INSIDE CITYUNION CHAPEL 1B- INSIDE CITY | 212 | 514 | 6 | 732 | 29.0% | 70.2% | R+41.3 |
Presidential margin, 1892–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1892 | −31.6% |
| 1896 | −6.8% |
| 1900 | −22.1% |
| 1904 | −36.5% |
| 1908 | −29.9% |
| 1912 | −13.5% |
| 1916 | −33.8% |
| 1920 | −59.2% |
| 1924 | −32.9% |
| 1928 | −51.9% |
| 1932 | +3.6% |
| 1936 | −24.0% |
| 1940 | −44.5% |
| 1944 | −57.1% |
| 1948 | −32.3% |
| 1952 | −52.6% |
| 1956 | −36.7% |
| 1960 | −48.1% |
| 1964 | −10.0% |
| 1968 | −39.0% |
| 1972 | −52.8% |
| 1976 | −8.6% |
| 1980 | −29.1% |
| 1984 | −40.6% |
| 1988 | −23.7% |
| 1992 | −6.9% |
| 1996 | −15.3% |
| 2000 | −29.8% |
| 2004 | −41.6% |
| 2008 | −35.8% |
| 2012 | −46.5% |
| 2016 | −53.6% |
| 2020 | −50.7% |
| 2024 | −52.2% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
Total registered voters, over time
| Year | Total registered |
|---|---|
| 2016 | 57,014 |
| 2018 | 57,671 |
| 2020 | 64,043 |
| 2022 | 65,714 |
| 2024 | 69,328 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
+435 net domestic migration · 2025
Net +13,380 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $65,214 in average income, against $85,579 for residents who stayed — 24% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+30.7 on average — 22 points more Democratic-leaning than Christian County, MO itself (R+52.2).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Greene County, MO1,342R+20.8
- Taney County, MO176R+59.3
- Stone County, MO134R+61.4
- Webster County, MO106R+62.2
- Lawrence County, MO59R+63.8
- Polk County, MO41R+61.6
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Greene County, MO1,370
- Webster County, MO146
- Stone County, MO135
- Taney County, MO106
- Lawrence County, MO57
- Jackson County, MO48
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | +252 |
| 2012 | +616 |
| 2013 | +561 |
| 2014 | +827 |
| 2015 | +834 |
| 2016 | +659 |
| 2017 | +832 |
| 2018 | +1,292 |
| 2019 | +1,178 |
| 2021 | +2,260 |
| 2022 | +1,357 |
| 2023 | +1,043 |
| 2024 | +1,234 |
| 2025 | +435 |
Christian County has grown rapidly as a Springfield suburb while remaining among Missouri's most Republican counties, posting a 52-point presidential margin in 2024 that reflects both its evangelical character and its exurban growth pattern.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 3.6 points in 1932 and a Republican high of 59.2 points in 1920. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 1.5 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 52.2 points.
A population of 92,915, a 90% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $83,437 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Bradley County and Blount County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Christian County, Missouri. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/29043/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.