- Lead
- 635
- Total
- 30,376
- vs nation
- D+3.6
- Turnout
- 72.9%
Garfield County, CO
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 72.9% of 42,189 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 710
- Total
- 30,904
- vs nation
- R+2.2
- Turnout
- 81.3%
- Lead
- 1,861
- Total
- 26,470
- vs nation
- R+9.1
- Turnout
- 76.1%
- Lead
- 1,230
- Total
- 24,408
- vs nation
- R+8.9
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 2
- Total
- 23,082
- vs nation
- R+7.3
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 1,895
- Total
- 20,647
- vs nation
- R+6.7
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 3,016
- Total
- 17,104
- vs nation
- R+18.2
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 559
- Total
- 14,138
- vs nation
- R+12.5
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- D+2.1MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 62,4792024 5-year
- Median household income
- $91,1312024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 61.5%2024 5-year
- Black
- 0.6%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 32.6%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+83.2 in 1896MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+47.0 in 1892MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Hays County, TX · twin score 93.2
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 72.9%30,769 participants ÷ 42,189 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +20.1 ptsPresidential-dependent
- Drop-off versus state
- -0.3 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 52.8%–58.0%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 27,438 | 36,037 | 76.1% | A/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 24,774 | 37,365 | 66.3% | A/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 31,496 | 38,721 | 81.3% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 25,329 | 41,368 | 61.2% | C/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 30,769 | 42,189 | 72.9% | A/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 293/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 297/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 159, denominator source 157; top ticket votes; canonical-complete-contest-floor-v1; allocation share 0.0%; series 154/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 311/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
54 precincts · 30,376 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -30557230023055723002 | 1,341 | 307 | 36 | 1,684 | 79.6% | 18.2% | D+61.4 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -30557230033055723003 | 1,171 | 459 | 32 | 1,662 | 70.5% | 27.6% | D+42.8 |
| Precinct -30557230053055723005 | 934 | 650 | 42 | 1,626 | 57.4% | 40.0% | D+17.5 |
| Precinct -30557230103055723010 | 931 | 615 | 52 | 1,598 | 58.3% | 38.5% | D+19.8 |
| Precinct -30557230143055723014 | 882 | 636 | 43 | 1,561 | 56.5% | 40.7% | D+15.8 |
| Precinct -30557230043055723004 | 1,018 | 479 | 35 | 1,532 | 66.4% | 31.3% | D+35.2 |
| Precinct -30557230223055723022 | 521 | 878 | 43 | 1,442 | 36.1% | 60.9% | R+24.8 |
| Precinct -30557230013055723001 | 1,120 | 287 | 34 | 1,441 | 77.7% | 19.9% | D+57.8 |
| Precinct -30557230133055723013 | 668 | 683 | 56 | 1,407 | 47.5% | 48.5% | R+1.1 |
| Precinct -30557230163055723016 | 514 | 825 | 28 | 1,367 | 37.6% | 60.4% | R+22.8 |
| Precinct -30557230203055723020 | 369 | 898 | 25 | 1,292 | 28.6% | 69.5% | R+40.9 |
| Precinct -30557230253055723025 | 311 | 852 | 27 | 1,190 | 26.1% | 71.6% | R+45.5 |
| Precinct -30557230213055723021 | 359 | 755 | 28 | 1,142 | 31.4% | 66.1% | R+34.7 |
| Precinct -30857230183085723018 | 233 | 779 | 21 | 1,033 | 22.6% | 75.4% | R+52.9 |
| Precinct -30557230173055723017 | 277 | 736 | 19 | 1,032 | 26.8% | 71.3% | R+44.5 |
| Precinct -30557230263055723026 | 302 | 690 | 21 | 1,013 | 29.8% | 68.1% | R+38.3 |
| Precinct -30557230093055723009 | 672 | 290 | 35 | 997 | 67.4% | 29.1% | D+38.3 |
| Precinct -30557230063055723006 | 594 | 359 | 30 | 983 | 60.4% | 36.5% | D+23.9 |
| Precinct -30557230123055723012 | 551 | 371 | 21 | 943 | 58.4% | 39.3% | D+19.1 |
| Precinct -30857230193085723019 | 215 | 669 | 11 | 895 | 24.0% | 74.7% | R+50.7 |
| Precinct -30557230273055723027 | 254 | 585 | 20 | 859 | 29.6% | 68.1% | R+38.5 |
| Precinct -30557230073055723007 | 575 | 249 | 20 | 844 | 68.1% | 29.5% | D+38.6 |
| Precinct -30857230113085723011 | 441 | 284 | 22 | 747 | 59.0% | 38.0% | D+21.0 |
| Precinct -30557230083055723008 | 480 | 224 | 32 | 736 | 65.2% | 30.4% | D+34.8 |
| Precinct -30557230233055723023 | 200 | 484 | 14 | 698 | 28.7% | 69.3% | R+40.7 |
| Precinct -30857230153085723015 | 187 | 382 | 5 | 574 | 32.6% | 66.6% | R+34.0 |
| Precinct -30857230243085723024 | 8 | 67 | 3 | 78 | 10.3% | 85.9% | R+75.6 |
| Garfield 108_0804523001 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 1008_0804523010 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 1108_0804523011 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 1208_0804523012 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 1308_0804523013 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 1408_0804523014 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 1508_0804523015 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 1608_0804523016 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 1708_0804523017 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 1808_0804523018 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 1908_0804523019 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 208_0804523002 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 2008_0804523020 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 2108_0804523021 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 2208_0804523022 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 2308_0804523023 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 2408_0804523024 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 2508_0804523025 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 2608_0804523026 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 2708_0804523027 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 308_0804523003 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 408_0804523004 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 508_0804523005 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 608_0804523006 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 708_0804523007 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 808_0804523008 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
| Garfield 908_0804523009 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | No votes |
Presidential margin, 1884–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1884 | −27.6% |
| 1888 | −14.8% |
| 1892 | −47.0% |
| 1896 | +83.2% |
| 1900 | +34.2% |
| 1904 | −11.4% |
| 1908 | +11.0% |
| 1912 | +25.1% |
| 1916 | +35.1% |
| 1920 | −12.0% |
| 1924 | −27.0% |
| 1928 | −21.5% |
| 1932 | +25.2% |
| 1936 | +10.2% |
| 1940 | −14.9% |
| 1944 | −16.2% |
| 1948 | −1.1% |
| 1952 | −37.4% |
| 1956 | −26.0% |
| 1960 | −16.3% |
| 1964 | +16.7% |
| 1968 | −14.6% |
| 1972 | −35.2% |
| 1976 | −23.5% |
| 1980 | −29.8% |
| 1984 | −39.2% |
| 1988 | −15.6% |
| 1992 | +4.9% |
| 1996 | −4.0% |
| 2000 | −17.6% |
| 2004 | −9.2% |
| 2008 | −0.0% |
| 2012 | −5.0% |
| 2016 | −7.0% |
| 2020 | +2.3% |
| 2024 | +2.1% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
By party of registration, over time
Garfield County, CO registers Republican but votes Democratic — a 6.2-point gap between how voters register and how they vote, the signature of ancestral registration that trails realignment.
| Year | Total registered | Democratic | Republican | Unaffiliated | Other |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 | 36,180 | 9,007 | 11,570 | 14,919 | 684 |
| 2018 | 38,186 | 9,099 | 11,341 | 17,070 | 676 |
| 2020 | 41,314 | 9,771 | 11,744 | 18,973 | 826 |
| 2022 | 42,775 | 9,237 | 11,087 | 21,608 | 843 |
| 2024 | 44,254 | 9,086 | 10,923 | 23,214 | 1,031 |
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
−770 net domestic migration · 2025
Net −2,011 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $98,606 in average income, against $107,386 for residents who stayed — 8% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean D+21.9 on average — 20 points more Democratic-leaning than Garfield County, CO itself (D+2.1).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Eagle County, CO293D+24.4
- Pitkin County, CO163D+44.2
- Mesa County, CO131R+24.3
- Denver County, CO78D+56.1
- Jefferson County, CO60D+19.5
- Arapahoe County, CO44D+20.1
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Mesa County, CO237
- Eagle County, CO141
- Pitkin County, CO103
- Denver County, CO60
- El Paso County, CO44
- Arapahoe County, CO38
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | −730 |
| 2012 | +169 |
| 2013 | −343 |
| 2014 | −259 |
| 2015 | +121 |
| 2016 | +626 |
| 2017 | −310 |
| 2018 | +171 |
| 2019 | −94 |
| 2021 | −60 |
| 2022 | −253 |
| 2023 | +24 |
| 2024 | −303 |
| 2025 | −770 |
Garfield County's economy has long centered on natural gas extraction in the Piceance Basin, yet its 2024 presidential result landed narrowly Democratic — a shift driven partly by resort-economy migration from neighboring Pitkin County spilling into communities like Glenwood Springs.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 83.2 points in 1896 and a Republican high of 47.0 points in 1892. The 2024 margin was 2.1 points.
A population of 62,479, a 62% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $91,131 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Hays County and San Luis Obispo County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Garfield County, Colorado. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/08045/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.