- Lead
- 3,872
- Total
- 6,395
- vs nation
- R+59.1
- Turnout
- 53.0%
Barbour County, WV
President margin by year
Place winner margin
President results by year
2024 turnout 53.0% of 12,311 citizens 18+
- Lead
- 3,659
- Total
- 6,677
- vs nation
- R+59.3
- Turnout
- 51.1%
- Lead
- 3,305
- Total
- 6,116
- vs nation
- R+56.1
- Turnout
- 46.6%
- Lead
- 2,056
- Total
- 5,777
- vs nation
- R+39.4
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 1,266
- Total
- 6,232
- vs nation
- R+27.6
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 1,394
- Total
- 6,655
- vs nation
- R+18.5
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 908
- Total
- 6,051
- vs nation
- R+15.5
- Turnout
- —
- Lead
- 921
- Total
- 6,047
- vs nation
- D+6.7
- Turnout
- —
Key facts
- 2024 presidential margin
- R+60.5MIT Election Lab
- Population
- 15,4242024 5-year
- Median household income
- $51,3942024 5-year
- White (non-Hispanic)
- 90.5%2024 5-year
- Black
- 1.5%2024 5-year
- Hispanic / Latino
- 1.2%2024 5-year
- Peak Democratic margin
- D+30.5 in 1964MIT Election Lab
- Peak Republican margin
- R+60.5 in 2024MIT Election Lab
- Most similar
- Vernon County, MO · twin score 86.2
Midterm durability
Total general-election participants divided by same-year citizen voting-age population. These are total ballots or participating voters—not presidential candidate votes.
- 2024 total turnout
- 53.0%6,530 participants ÷ 12,311 CVAP
- 2020→2022 drop-off
- +18.2 ptsVolatile
- Drop-off versus state
- -3.1 ptsPositive means a larger decline than the statewide pattern
- Mechanical 2026 scenario
- 34.8%–39.5%Recent-cycle and two-cycle persistence scenarios; not a forecast
| Election | Participants | CVAP | Turnout | Quality |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2016 · Presidential | 6,246 | 13,411 | 46.6% | A/A |
| 2018 · Midterm | 5,031 | 13,325 | 37.8% | A/A |
| 2020 · Presidential | 6,769 | 13,245 | 51.1% | A/A |
| 2022 · Midterm | 4,064 | 12,368 | 32.9% | A/A |
| 2024 · Presidential | 6,530 | 12,311 | 53.0% | A/A |
Sources and methods
- 2016: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 293/111.
- 2018: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 297/138.
- 2020: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 301/2.
- 2022: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 306/183.
- 2024: numerator source 158, denominator source 157; total voters participating; eavs-f1a-v1:observed:native; allocation share 0.0%; series 311/228.
Precinct data
Results by precinct
13 precincts · 6,395 votes
Precinct boundaries and identifiers are cycle-specific. This table does not join rows across years without a validated crosswalk.
| Precinct -22 | 121 | 642 | 14 | 777 | 15.6% | 82.6% | R+67.1 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Precinct -1313 | 155 | 601 | 15 | 771 | 20.1% | 78.0% | R+57.8 |
| Precinct -88 | 106 | 502 | 13 | 621 | 17.1% | 80.8% | R+63.8 |
| Precinct -55 | 109 | 448 | 14 | 571 | 19.1% | 78.5% | R+59.4 |
| Precinct -33 | 106 | 430 | 10 | 546 | 19.4% | 78.8% | R+59.3 |
| Precinct -77 | 141 | 367 | 14 | 522 | 27.0% | 70.3% | R+43.3 |
| Precinct -11 | 71 | 401 | 3 | 475 | 14.9% | 84.4% | R+69.5 |
| Precinct -1212 | 76 | 388 | 9 | 473 | 16.1% | 82.0% | R+66.0 |
| Precinct -1111 | 103 | 346 | 12 | 461 | 22.3% | 75.1% | R+52.7 |
| Precinct -44 | 58 | 320 | 9 | 387 | 15.0% | 82.7% | R+67.7 |
| Precinct -1010 | 46 | 239 | 3 | 288 | 16.0% | 83.0% | R+67.0 |
| Precinct -99 | 52 | 208 | 7 | 267 | 19.5% | 77.9% | R+58.4 |
| Precinct -66 | 55 | 179 | 2 | 236 | 23.3% | 75.8% | R+52.5 |
Presidential margin, 1892–2024
Democratic minus Republican, by election
| Year | Margin (D minus R) |
|---|---|
| 1892 | +0.8% |
| 1896 | +2.2% |
| 1900 | −7.6% |
| 1904 | −7.9% |
| 1908 | −11.5% |
| 1912 | +25.8% |
| 1916 | −5.9% |
| 1920 | −14.8% |
| 1924 | −2.2% |
| 1928 | −7.1% |
| 1932 | +7.2% |
| 1936 | +15.3% |
| 1940 | +4.7% |
| 1944 | −3.6% |
| 1948 | +5.0% |
| 1952 | −0.2% |
| 1956 | −9.2% |
| 1960 | −2.4% |
| 1964 | +30.5% |
| 1968 | +0.1% |
| 1972 | −32.5% |
| 1976 | +6.0% |
| 1980 | +2.0% |
| 1984 | −11.0% |
| 1988 | +3.2% |
| 1992 | +16.5% |
| 1996 | +15.2% |
| 2000 | −15.0% |
| 2004 | −20.9% |
| 2008 | −20.3% |
| 2012 | −35.6% |
| 2016 | −54.0% |
| 2020 | −54.8% |
| 2024 | −60.5% |
U.S. House
Each row shows U.S. House votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate
Each row shows U.S. Senate votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
U.S. Senate special elections
Each row shows U.S. Senate special votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Governor
Each row shows Governor votes counted inside this Place. “Vote lead” is the local lead here, not necessarily the winner of the full contest.
Registered voters
By party of registration, over time
Registration leans Republican; the presidential vote runs 33 points more Democratic.
9,557 registered voters · 2026
Who moves in and out
Net migration over time, and who arrivals are — where they came from and what those places vote
+154 net domestic migration · 2025
Net +440 over 2011–2025 · gain loss
Arrivals reported $47,708 in average income, against $59,410 for residents who stayed — 20% lower. (IRS SOI, 2022–23)
The places arrivals came from lean R+47.7 on average — 13 points more Democratic-leaning than Barbour County, WV itself (R+60.5).
Where arrivals came from lean of each source
- Randolph County, WV67R+46.1
- Harrison County, WV33R+40.9
- Upshur County, WV28R+56.8
- Taylor County, WV20R+51.3
Where departures went households, 2022–23
- Randolph County, WV50
- Harrison County, WV40
- Upshur County, WV33
- Taylor County, WV32
- Monongalia County, WV22
Migration is one input to a place’s political change, not its cause — a shift can also come from residents changing their minds, generational turnover, or turnout. These figures describe the places people moved between; they do not measure how any mover voted.
| Year | Net domestic migration |
|---|---|
| 2011 | +11 |
| 2012 | +242 |
| 2013 | +46 |
| 2014 | +75 |
| 2015 | +103 |
| 2016 | −200 |
| 2017 | −211 |
| 2018 | +15 |
| 2019 | −3 |
| 2021 | +72 |
| 2022 | +91 |
| 2023 | +94 |
| 2024 | −49 |
| 2025 | +154 |
Barbour County's 2024 margin of R+60.5 reflects a transformation common to rural Appalachian counties, where a once-competitive Democratic coalfield electorate has shifted decisively over the past two decades.
Across the recorded series it reached a Democratic high of 30.5 points in 1964 and a Republican high of 60.5 points in 2024. Between 2020 and 2024 the county moved 5.7 points toward the Republican candidate; the 2024 margin was 60.5 points.
A population of 15,424, a 91% non-Hispanic-white share, and a median household income of $51,394 describe the county. The county's voting pattern over the last decade is most similar to that of Vernon County and Wayne County.
The counties whose fingerprint — 2000–2024 trajectory, demographics, ancestry, religion — sits closest to this one, and why.
Twin score (0–100) = weighted cosine between tier-standardized fingerprints: presidential margins 2000–2024 with 12-yr trend and elasticity, ACS income, age, education, population and race, top reported ancestries, and religious adherence — chips name the closest-shared dimensions and the widest gap. Re-weight the groups in the twins explorer.
Browse places by community — income, education, race & ethnicity, language — all community cuts →
Compare two places, side by side
Twelve curated comparisons line up election history, demographics, and the divergence story for two places at a glance. Browse all comparisons →
Barbour County, West Virginia. Akashic. https://akashic.app/county/54001/. Accessed May 20, 2026. License: CC BY 4.0.